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Research Paper Worksheet

1. What about this research interests you?

2. From your interests, choose a topic. Write it below.

3. Can you narrow this topic?

4. Can you narrow it further?

5. Create a research question from this narrowed topic?

6. Create a statement from the research question. This is your working thesis.

7. Revise the working thesis. The thesis could change further as your paper develops and likely will. Begin revising by completing this statement: In this paper, I will…(You can change this later). Explain what you will do in the paper. Then explain how you will do it (what research are you using and how?) Next, explain the significance of it. (Why relevant, necessary, etc?) In other words: what are you doing? How are you going to accomplish it? And, why is it significant?

The Introduction

Introduces the reader to the research you will be using and your thesis. Explain what has been done before and what you are doing now.

The Body

What research supports the thesis? Address any counter arguments or gaps that you notice. You do not need to solve issues raised. You can just raise them if there is no clear answer. Avoid dichotomy or polarized arguments (good/bad, positive/negative, etc)

Your proof: Sandwich method

Statement (introduction to quote, paraphrase, or summary)

Proof (quote, summary, paraphrase)

Significance (so what? Why relevant to the thesis?)


Fingerprint Technology r
by Cc Cc

Submission date: 07-Apr-2022 03:29PM (UTC-0500)
Submission ID: 1804608974
File name: Fingerprint_Technology_r.docx (21.45K)
Word count: 403
Character count: 2301






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Fingerprint Technology r


Submitted to Davenport University
Student Paper


Pre-Writing Worksheet, Gage CWII

Your final paper must discuss the intersection of technology and identity in some

way. Use this pre-writing worksheet to help organize your ideas.

1. Think about the technology that you chose to research. Perhaps it was one

specific technology, or maybe you looked at several technologies in a field.

If you researched more than one, you may need to narrow and focus your

topic since this research paper is relatively short. Using a separate sheet of

paper or word document, define your concept of technology without using

the word “technology”. This should help you to be more specific. For

example, is your “technology” social media, video games, drones, or

prosthetics? Use specific words to describe your “technology”. What does

the research say about this “technology”? Write a little about that.

2. Think about your concept of identity. How will you define identity in your

paper? Write about identity without using the word “identity”. Again, the

focus is to get you to discuss these terms without using the general term, to

use specifics. Are you looking at a specific population or age group? For

example, are you looking at teenagers, the elderly, diabetics, etc. Maybe,

you are researching an industry or a field. Write about the “identity” that

will interface with the “technology” that you have chosen.

3. How do the aspects of “identity” and “technology” interact with each other

in the research? What specific elements do you want to inform people

about? Write about this.

4. Lastly, consider what you want people to know or do about this topic. You

are writing to be more than informative. For example: raise awareness,

correct a misperception, call attention to a gap in the research, make a plea

for further research, advocate for change. Write about what you want

people to do or know about these aspects of “technology and identity”

without using those words.


 must follow APA guidelines, including a References page and a title page  

You must select six (6) scholarly sources, such as books, articles, interviews, etc. 


  Women and the “Glass Ceiling”

Write a draft involving an issue typically related to human resource management. Write the draft from an HR perspective. Discuss the issue and its potential drawbacks/advantages on the firm/employees, and explain how HR can deal with this issue. (The issue chosen : Women and the  “Glass Ceiling’)

    • 20


    instructions; Each week you will complete the assigned leadership self-assessments. Submit your reflection paper for review and feedback from your professor. Combine all of the assessments outcomes/reflections from week 1 through 7. Summarize your findings and provide a plan for your professional development and growth. Describe how you will strengthen your leadership skills. 3-5 pages with at least 2 refrences. 30% of your grade is based on this.

    Proactive Personality Results = 101

    Scores in this range suggest that you have strong tendencies toward being a proactive personality. Such proactivity should be (or already is) an asset to you in your career and personal life. Yet scoring 115 points or more could suggest that you sometimes annoy people with your constant need for taking on new responsibility and creating change.

    Entrepreneurial Thinking Results = 83

    You most likely have average tendencies toward being an entrepreneurial personality. You probably would not enjoy a career filled with risk and uncertainty.

    Crisis Leadership Results = 10

    Your score suggests a high ability to deal with and lead others through a crisis.

    Creative Test Results = 14

    Your score suggests that your personality is a mixture of an intellectual conformist and creative individual. Extremely high or low scores are most meaningful on this assessment.

    Communication Effectiveness Results = 5

    Your score indicates that you may need some improvement in your communication skills.

    Knowledge Sharing Results = 30

    You have average attitudes toward sharing knowledge, with a mixture of enthusiasm and skepticism about knowledge sharing.

    Cultural Tolerance Results = 50

    You are highly tolerant and flexible in terms of working with a broad spectrum of people. These attitudes should help you be an effective multicultural leader.

    Interpersonal Skills Results = 0

    Your score indicates that your interpersonal skills are effective. If there are any items you marked as “Mostly True” you can target those behaviors for further development, but overall you have satisfactory interpersonal skills.


    Case Study 2

    1. Introduction and overview of the organization: when was it founded (some history); where does it operate (geographical spread); what is its mission; which diversity area does it focus on (race, ethnicity, gender, age, etc.); any other relevant information (1-page, double space).

    From the link provided, I have chosen “National employment Lawyers Association (NELA)”, which works to enhance justice for workers nationwide in America. Rebecca L. Salawdeh serves as a president in this organization. The organization believes that diversity, equity, and inclusion are the main keys of any organization. This organization believes combination of diversity, equity, and inclusion result in meaningful representation and involvement of people from a wide range of backgrounds, experiences, identities, and abilities in all aspects of NELA, allowing each person to contribute meaningfully to the organization without facing discrimination. For workers and workplaces across the country, NELA follows the culture of participation and equal opportunity that is built into the fabric of mission and vision.

    The objective of the National Employment Lawyers Association (NELA) is to empower workers’ rights attorneys by providing legal training, campaigning for a fair judiciary, and pushing for laws and policies that level the playing field for workers. Therefore, the association provides leadership training annually, give organizational support to affiliates, properly maintain a resource for their affiliate’s leaders. Moreover, they work with a vision of creating a workplace where all the employers are treated with proper respect and the workplaces are diversified, inclusive, and equitable. The organization has its local allied throughout the country who works to provide justice in the workplace.

    2. Describe 2 programs, initiatives, or projects from this organization (1-2 pages, double space).

    This organization initiates different programs for their lawyers who works in different organization for employer’s equal right in the workplace nationwide. The organization organizes annual convention to have discussion on legal issues related to employers. Attorneys, paralegals, law students, and other workers’ rights advocates from across the country attend NELA’s Annual Convention for three days of continuing legal education, networking events, and an opportunity to come together as a community. This year NELA will be conducting the Annual Convention from June 30- July 3, 2022, at San Francisco Marriot Marquis at San Francisco. Annual Gala is also held in the annual convention where all the professionals’ cheers together to continue working for the workers rights and their betterment in the workplace.

    The next upcoming program NELA is organizing is Spring Seminar from April 1-2, 2022, at The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois. The seminar is about E-discovery and ESI (Electronically Stored Information) for the Plaintiff’s Employment Lawyer. Email, social media, cell phone data, databases, apps, and any of the countless digital records produced on a daily basis can all be considered ESI. NELA’s professional professors will discuss how effective use of e-discovery tools and procedures can reduce the amount of time and money spent collecting, examining, and producing such material. Beginner, Intermediate, and Advanced tracks are available in this program. This kind of programs help and educate the attorneys to work effectively for their clients. Additionally, the organization also conducts other programs like Fall Seminar, Biennial Trial Boot Camp and wage and seminar programs to prepare their lawyers to work for employers.

    3. Throughout the semester we have read about challenges faced by different individuals with different identities (race, gender, age, etc.) in the workplace. Depending on the focus of the organization you are reviewing, which 2 of the challenges you have read about in this course does this organization address? How does the organization address these challenges? (1-2 pages, double space). Hint: you have to cite the reading/s that discuss the challenges.

    4. Based on what you have read in this course so far, make two recommendations to this organization. The recommendations can focus on improving existing programs and policies or creating new ones to meet challenges that you think are important for the individuals the organization serves. Hint: Cite readings from the course to support your recommendations (1-2 page double space).


    From diversity to inclusion: Move from compliance to diversity as a business strategy – Dupress

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    The world has become highly diverse, but many companies have not—especially when it comes to combining
    diversity with the inclusive culture needed to truly drive value.


    Juliet Bourke, Christie Smith, Heather Stockton & Nicky Wakefield


    March 7, 2014

    Share Subscribe

    Many organizations promote diversity while struggling to fully leverage the business benefits of a
    diverse workforce.


    Nearly one-third of respondents to the Human Capital Trends global survey say they are unprepared
    in this area, while only 20 percent claim to be fully “ready.”


    In a recent study, 61 percent of employees report they are “covering” on some personal dimension
    (appearance, affiliation, advocacy, association) to assimilate in their organization.


    1 2

    From diversity to inclusion


    From diversity to inclusion: Move from compliance to diversity as a business strategy – Dupress

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    In 2014, promoting diversity is an expected commitment; like workforce safety, it’s now a ticket

    to play. And while unwavering support is claimed, far fewer organizations can talk to the

    benefits of diversity beyond the attraction of talent and reputation. Why is that? Surely a focus

    on diversity is the way to uncover and optimize talent? Is it focus, effort, a failure to move

    diversity from the fringe to the center, or level of difficulty?

    One clear factor, according to our global survey, is that only one company in five (20 percent)

    believes it is fully “ready” to address this issue. The gap between the urgency of this trend and

    companies’ readiness to address it is particularly wide in Japan, South Africa, and China (figure


    Why are so many companies falling short? One view is that many companies still treat diversity

    primarily as a matter of compliance—a regulatory box to be checked. Not enough organizations

    take the next essential steps of creating a work environment that promotes inclusion in all its

    variations. Taking a step back from individual organizations to a more country-based analysis,

    we can see that most countries do not have a strong sense of readiness and most hover around a

    medium sense of urgency.

    Using this lens, we see two major themes emerging that can help companies transition from

    simply meeting minimum regulatory requirements for diversity to building an inclusive

    workplace that inspires all employees to perform at their highest level:

    Leading companies are working to build not just a diverse workforce, but inclusive workplaces,
    enabling them to transform diversity programs from a compliance obligation to a business strategy.


    1. Diversity of thinking as a business imperative

    2. A focus on inclusion as well as diversity itself

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    Explore the report findings
    Launch the interactive trends dashboard

    Diversity of thinking as a business imperative
    Organizations can start by broadening their understanding of diversity to focus not only on the

    visible aspects of diversity, such as race, gender, age, and physical ability, but also diversity of

    thinking. This means deriving value from people’s different perspectives on problems and

    different ways to address solutions. It’s a complex world, it’s a global world, and maximal

    participation is required from every workplace participant from the bottom to the top. Thinking

    of diversity in this way helps organizations to see value and to be conscious of the risk

    associated with homogeneity, especially in senior decision makers. And this means that diversity

    is no longer a “program” to be managed—it is a business imperative.

    Uncovering talent: A new model of inclusion
    An importance advance in thinking about inclusion is the recent work on “uncovering talent”

    from Kenji Yoshino, at NYU Law School, and Christie Smith, the head of Deloitte University’s

    Leadership Center for Inclusion. Their research suggests that current inclusion initiatives often

    implement formal inclusion (that is, “participation”) without recognizing how that inclusion is

    predicated on assimilation. In response to pressures to assimilate, individuals downplay their

    differences. This behavior is referred to as “covering” and can include how individuals behave

    along four dimensions:


    Appearance: Individuals may blend into the mainstream through their self-presentation,

    including grooming, attire, and mannerisms.


    Affiliation: Individuals may avoid behaviors widely associated with their identity,

    culture, or group.


    Advocacy: Individuals may avoid engaging in advocacy on behalf of their group.v

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    Yoshino and Smith’s research reports that covering behaviors are widespread, costly to

    individuals and their organizations, and often misaligned with values of inclusion. Organizations

    should be interested in covering not because they are “playing defense” against lawsuits, but

    because they are “playing offense” to create a more inclusive culture over and above legal

    compliance. Most Fortune 500 companies are seeking to create that kind of culture.

    Linking diversity of thinking and inclusion
    Bringing these two themes together—diversity of thinking and inclusion—we suggest that

    organizations consider the importance of diversity when it comes to meeting specific business


    Association: Individuals may avoid associating with individuals in their own group.v 4

    Accessing top talent: Companies should recruit top people from a globally diverse

    workforce. The importance of leadership pipelines, the No. 1 priority in our global trends

    survey, underscores the importance of broadening leadership pipelines and accelerating

    the development of diverse leaders. Given the transparency of the employment “brand”

    today, in order to attract the best people, organizations must create a diverse workplace.

    When candidates research a prospective employer online, interact as customers, or

    interview with the company, they have to feel as if they would “fit” into the work



    Driving performance and innovation: A significant body of research shows that

    diverse teams are more innovative and perform at higher levels. Companies that build

    diversity and inclusion into their teams reap the benefits of new ideas, more debate and,

    ultimately, better business decisions.



    Retaining key employees: One reason people leave organizations is that they feel they

    no longer “belong.” Or perhaps they feel they will “belong” and thrive in another

    organization that appreciates their unique value. A company that fails to create a diverse

    and inclusive workplace risks alienating or excluding key employees, who are then more


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    Diversity is the measure: Inclusion is the mechanism
    What this all adds up to is that high-performing organizations recognize that the aim of diversity

    is not just meeting compliance targets, but tapping into the diverse perspectives and approaches

    each individual employee brings to the workplace. Moving beyond diversity to focus on

    inclusion as well requires companies to examine how fully the organization embraces new ideas,

    accommodates different styles of thinking (such as whether a person is an introvert or an

    extrovert), creates a more flexible work environment, enables people to connect and collaborate,

    and encourages different types of leaders.

    While nearly one-quarter of executives (23 percent) believe their companies have done an

    “excellent” job creating a culture of inclusiveness, and defining what it means (24 percent), the

    overwhelming majority rate their effort as “adequate” or “weak.” Clearly, there is much more to

    be done to turn the vision of diversity and inclusion into a daily reality (figure 2). Much more

    than a focus on programs, this effort needs to focus on cultural change: behaviors, systems and

    symbols, and an explicit understanding of the extent and causes of “covering” in organizations.

    Research by Deloitte Australia shows that high-performing organizations are characterized by

    likely to disengage or eventually leave the organization.

    Understanding customers: There’s a thin line between customers and employees, with

    current and former employees purchasing their companies’ products and services, acting

    as advocates, and sensing customer needs. How better to understand and respond to

    diverse customer needs than by tapping into diverse employees? From where we sit, this

    is one of the most significant gaps in the diversity story, with the breadth of ideas and

    experiences from a more diverse front line falling by the wayside as decisions are made

    by more distant, homogenous teams that sometimes fail to fully include diverse

    perspectives. In a broad range of industries—including retail, hospitality, food service, oil

    and gas, insurance, and even banking—a diverse workforce creates opportunities to

    appeal to a more diverse customer base.



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    their commitment to diversity and a culture of inclusion. In the areas of customer service,

    innovation, safety, and more, the message from employees is the same: Organizations that

    support diversity and that also make employees feel included are much more likely to meet

    business goals than those organizations that focus on diversity and inclusion in isolation (or

    focus on neither). The question is, how do you get there?

    One essential component of building a strategy of inclusion is recognizing the biases in the way

    each of us receives and processes information and the historical biases in our systems of work.

    Addressing these processing biases is critical because leaders—as they themselves feel high

    levels of inclusion—often do not understand levels of alienation in an organization. Given the

    critical importance of retention in our survey, inclusion becomes a key strategy for success.

    BHP Billiton’s marketing division was highly diverse in terms of gender and ethnicity in non-

    executive positions, but there was a demographic mismatch between the global talent pool and

    the company’s senior team.

    Mike Henry, the president of health, safety, environment, and community, marketing, and

    technology, observed this misalignment. He concluded that the only reasonable explanation was

    an unconscious bias within the organization and a tendency to do things as they had always been

    done—particularly the fact that leading talent was primarily sourced from BHP Billiton’s

    traditional hiring bases in Australia, the United Kingdom, North America, South Africa, and the


    Following the closure of BHP Billiton’s marketing office in The Hague—a traditional hub for

    recruiting and developing marketing executives—Henry decided to take action to prevent

    narrowing the leadership pipeline even further.




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    With strong support from the CEO, Henry began seeking out broad-based leadership engagement

    and took steps to understand BHP’s unconscious biases. He led by example, taking the Harvard

    Implicit Association Test and sharing the results with his team. He aimed to prove his

    commitment to diversity and inclusion and show that he could only mitigate his own

    unconscious biases by being aware of them first.

    Next, Henry had BHP Billiton’s marketing organization conduct an inclusive leadership program

    for its top 150 leaders, which included measuring perceptions on diversity and inclusion. The

    program involved interactive workshops, storytelling, videos, self-paced activities, homework,

    coaching, and reading, all designed to help leaders shift their mindsets and behaviors. And it

    broadened the conversation from one about diversity to one about diversity and inclusion, from

    demographics to diversity of thinking, and from compliance to business imperative. To help take

    this from a program to a sustained focus of attention, Henry appointed a full-time diversity and

    inclusion manager to implement change. During a time of downsizing, this was a potent symbol

    of the value he placed on diversity and inclusion.

    These steps yielded several notable results. Nine months after the first leadership intervention,

    88–94 percent of leaders reported that they understood what they needed to do, that they had

    changed their behaviors, and that they knew they were accountable for change. Critically, 72–76

    percent of staff agreed that their leaders were behaving differently—that is, more respectfully and

    inclusively—and that their teams were now more collaborative. In 2013, the program was

    expanded to include all leaders and all staff, which was a huge investment of time and energy.

    Mindsets have shifted, and while employee statistics have been slow to change, the 2013 results

    of BHP Billiton’s marketing organization’s annual “inclusion index” diagnostic reveal that

    representation of women and talent from outside the companies’ traditional hiring bases has

    increased at leadership levels—a trend that has continued year on year since the first diagnostic

    was run in 2011.

    Many organizations have not put enough effort into understanding what makes people feel

    included. Do employees feel they are known and valued as individuals? Are they well-connected

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    to other people in the organization? Are they given a voice in decision making? Is there an

    understanding of the types and extent of covering in the organization (appearance, affiliation,

    advocacy, association)? In addition to examining these fundamental questions, companies

    looking to build a more inclusive workplace should consider the following steps:



    Create inclusion labs to help educate leaders about unconscious bias and covering

    behaviors: Encourage leaders to honor other people’s opinions and promote constructive

    debate. Understand covering biases and behaviors and approaches to changing them.

    Leadership drives inclusion; the process should start at the top.


    Embed diversity and inclusion in leadership pipelines and programs: Include the

    diversity and inclusion initiative in leadership development programs, new manager

    programs, and talent acquisition programs. Give particular focus to supporting diversity

    of thinking—for instance, by selecting people from diverse backgrounds for leadership



    Conduct a gap analysis of talent systems and processes: How is the principle of merit-

    based decision making transparently embedded into systems, from recruitment,

    remuneration, and training to career development opportunities and succession? Review

    the outputs of these decisions in terms of equity, such as via a pay equity audit.


    Develop a diversity and inclusion scorecard and measure business impact: Hold

    leaders and managers accountable and identify outliers in the diversity and inclusion



    Install governance and resource the effort appropriately: Create a council with

    representatives from different parts of the business that is properly resourced to be a

    change agent.


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    Juliet Bourke
    Deloitte Consulting Pte Ltd

    Juliet Bourke leads the Australian Diversity and Inclusion practice and co-leads the Australian Leadership
    practice. She has over 20 years’ experience in human capital and is an internationally recognized author and
    speaker on the workplace, cultural change, leadership, and diversity. Bourke is a member of the Australian
    firm’s diversity council and sits on the Australian School of Business’s HR advisory board.

    Christie Smith
    Deloitte Consulting LLP

    Diversity is not a program or a marketing campaign to recruit staff. Thinking of diversity in this way
    relegates it to its compliance-driven origins. A diverse workforce is a company’s lifeblood, and diverse
    perspectives and approaches are the only means of solving complex and challenging business issues.
    Deriving the value of diversity means uncovering all talent, and that means creating a workplace
    characterized by inclusion. Our research shows that most organizations are not there yet, but change is in the
    wind, and market leaders are starting to move from compliance to inclusion as a business strategy.


    Kenji Yoshino and Christie Smith, Uncovering talent: A new model of inclusion, Deloitte

    Development LLC, December 6, 2013, http://www.deloitte.com/assets/Dcom-

    UnitedStates/Local%20Assets/Documents/us_LLC_Deloitte_UncoveringTalent_121713.pdf. Back to



    View all endnotes s

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    Christie Smith has spent the last 24 years consulting, focusing on aligning business strategy with
    organizational structure, talent, leadership development, and global workforce planning. She recently drove the
    formation of Deloitte’s collaboration with the California Institute for Quantitative Biosciences (QB3) to spur
    bioscience innovation and convert that innovation into a catalyst for jobs, companies, and better health. Smith
    is one of Diversity Journal’s 2013 “Women to Watch.”

    Heather Stockton
    Human Capital leader
    Deloitte Canada

    Heather Stockton is global Human Capital leader for the financial services industry. She is a member of the
    board in Deloitte Canada and chair of the talent and succession committee. Through her work in developing
    and executing strategic plans, Stockton has become an advisor to executives who are undertaking business
    transformation, merger integration, and changing their operating model. She has extensive experience in talent
    strategy and leadership development for leaders and boards.

    Nicky Wakefield
    Human Capital leader, Deloitte Southeast Asia
    Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu

    Nicky Wakefield is an experienced leader and advisor working primarily on large-scale, complex
    transformation programs. She started her career in consulting in 1995 after completing her MBA in
    organizational strategy and change. Educated as an economist, Wakefield transitioned to human capital after
    beginning a diploma in psychotherapy and developing a real passion for human performance. She has lived and
    worked in Australia, the United States, Singapore, Brunei, Zimbabwe, England, and the Netherlands.


    Contributors: Stacia Garr, Jackie Scales

    From diversity to inclusion: Move from compliance to diversity
    as a business strategy
    Published March 7, 2014

    Cover Image by Alex Nabaum

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    diversity, inclusion


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    From diversity to inclusion: Move from compliance t


    Addressing Race in the Workplace:
    Advancing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion

    Item Type Article

    Authors DiMillo, Victoria; Brown, Alexis; Harrington, Brad

    Publication Date 2021-05

    Abstract Global companies realize the strength that comes from recruiting
    and retaining a diverse workforce and creating an inclusive
    workplace. Diversity encompasses many visible and invisible
    aspects of identity, but in 2021, it is clear that race continues…

    Keywords inclusion; diversity; diverse workforce; systemic racism;
    workplaces; Race; Equity; Corporations; Social Inclusion; Cultural

    Citation Millo, V., Brown, A. & Harrington, B. ( 2021). Addressing Race in
    the Workplace: Advancing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion. Boston
    College Center for Work & Family: Executive Briefing Series

    Publisher Boston College Center for Work and Family

    Rights Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International

    Download date 15/06/2021 01:45:04

    Item License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

    Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10713/15730

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace

    Addressing Race in the
    Workplace: Advancing
    Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
    Global companies realize the strength that comes from recruiting
    and retaining a diverse workforce and creating an inclusive
    workplace. Diversity encompasses many visible and invisible
    aspects of identity, but in 2021, it is clear that race continues to
    be an issue of particular concern. While many White Americans
    believe the United States to be a post-racial society, citing such
    events as the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960’s or the election
    of the first African-American president in 2008, tensions and
    inequalities persist. The events of 2020 made clear what people
    of color have always known; society has not come as far as many
    Americans believe. Recent events have highlighted the ways that
    centuries of systemic racism continue to shape our society, from
    our schools to our neighborhoods to our workplaces.

    At the end of 2018, less than half of the companies in the S&P
    500 had a Chief Diversity Officer or similar position, according to
    a study by Russell Reynolds. With the economy in flux and the
    future unknown, many companies are struggling to stay afloat
    and may not have the financial or management resources
    necessary to dedicate to diversity programs. And yet, most
    recognize that diversity and inclusion efforts must remain a
    business imperative. This paper focuses on the state of diversity
    in the workplace, the organizational impediments to
    implementing inclusive policies, and suggestions for building and
    maintaining diverse, equitable, and inclusive workplaces.

    The State of Diversity in the Workplace

    – 1 –

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S

    ► The State of Diversity in the


    ► The Business Case for Racial

    ► Challenges to Developing a
    Culture of Inclusion

    ► Effective Recruitment Strategies
    and Practices

    ► Effective Retention Strategies
    and Practices

    ► Corporate Best Practices


    Victoria DiMillo
    Asst. Director, Member Services
    BC Center for Work & Family

    Alexis Brown, Ph.D.
    Social Psychologist and Work Life

    Prof. Brad Harrington
    Executive Director
    BC Center for Work & Family



    Dot Foods


    TD Bank


    Jennifer Sabatini Fraone
    Director of Corporate Partnerships

    US Population by Race

    Source: Census Bureau

    Non-Hispanic White

    Hispanic or Latino

    Black or
    African American



    Native American

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace

    With each passing year, the US population grows more diverse, and Pew
    Research Center predicts that Generation Z will be the most diverse in US
    history. While 60% of the general population are non-Hispanic Whites,
    only 52% percent of those born after 1996 are. These shifting
    demographics will impact the workforce and drive the increasing need for
    diversity and inclusion initiatives.

    The current composition of the workforce does not reflect the United
    States’ increasing diversity. White people are consistently
    overrepresented at all levels of US corporations, an inequity that only
    increases as one moves up in the organizational hierarchy.

    – 2 –

    41% attrition
    rate for women

    Beyond Demographics:
    The Business Case for Racial Diversity
    Many businesses today operate in an increasingly global context, and
    organizations must acclimate rapidly to the demands of a dynamic,
    diverse, and global world. Business leaders must understand and
    embrace diversity as a key competency in order to operate effectively.
    Diverse, equitable, and inclusive work environments generate a
    competitive advantage for companies across multiple dimensions, but
    their creation is not a short term undertaking. True change requires a
    long-term commitment at all levels of the organization. Diversity, equity,
    and inclusion must be codified as organizational values and their benefits
    must be widely communicated, understood, and appreciated.


    Diversity: psychological, physical, and
    social differences that occur among any
    and all individuals; including but not
    limited to race, ethnicity, nationality,
    religion, socioeconomic status, education,
    marital status, language, age, gender,
    sexual orientation, mental or physical
    ability, and learning styles.

    Inclusion: the act of creating
    environments in which any individual or
    group feels welcomed, respected,
    supported, and valued to fully participate
    and bring their authentic selves to work.
    Inclusion brings traditionally excluded
    individuals and/or groups into processes,
    activities, and decision/policy making in a
    way that shares power. Organizations
    often assume the inclusion of diverse

    Belonging: addresses the fundamental
    human need of social belonging, the lack
    of which can lead to lower organizational
    commitment and engagement. Many D&I
    training programs miss the mark because
    they neglect the human need to feel

    Equity: the guarantee of fair treatment,
    access, opportunity, and advancement
    while at the same time striving to identify
    and eliminate barriers that have
    prevented the full participation of some
    groups. Equity acknowledges that there
    are historically underserved and
    underrepresented populations, and that
    correcting these unbalanced conditions
    assists equality in the provision of
    effective opportunities to all groups.

    Implicit bias: implicit biases reside
    beneath our level of awareness and affect
    our understanding, actions, and decisions.
    These biases can result in feelings and
    attitudes about others based on
    characteristics such as race, ethnicity,
    gender, age, and appearance. These
    associations develop over the course of a
    lifetime through exposure to direct and
    indirect messages. Implicit biases predict
    behavior in the real world and tend to
    favor one’s own ingroup.

    In the C-suite, only 14% of positions are held by people of color, and
    women of color hold only 4% (Agovino, 2020). In 2018, the US Equal
    Employment Opportunity Commission reported that Black professionals
    held just 3.3% of all executive or senior leadership roles, and only five of
    the Fortune 500 companies in 2020 had Black chief executives (Sahadi,
    2020). This lack of representation leaves people of color feeling skeptical
    of ever achieving a top job at their organization. As a result, many people
    of color stall in their careers or leave organizations altogether.

    Source: SHRM (2020)


    81% 86%

    Non-white 19% 14%

    Workplace composition by race




    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace

    Improved financial performance. Organizations with diverse executive
    teams were up to 33% more likely to financially outperform their
    less-diverse competitors, whereas companies in the fourth quartile on
    both gender and ethnic diversity were more likely to underperform their
    industry peers on profitability by 29% (McKinsey & Co., 2018).

    Increased innovation and creativity. Diversity is crucial for innovation.
    Heterogeneous workforces yield better performances than
    homogenous ones because diversity enhances creativity and
    encourages the search for novel information and perspectives, leading
    to better decision making, improved problem solving, and higher-quality
    outcomes (Phillips, 2014).

    Increased organizational engagement and decreased organizational
    costs. US businesses spend nearly $8 billion each year on diversity and
    inclusion trainings that fail because they neglect the human need to feel
    included. Forty percent of people say they feel isolated at work, which
    results in lower organizational commitment and engagement.

    Decreased attrition and turnover costs. The failure to create an inclusive
    and equitable workplace environment can increase attrition among
    employees of color, which drives up turnover costs. Research indicates
    that more than one in three Black employees intend to leave their
    current organization within two years as a result of prejudice and
    microaggressions. Furthermore, Black employees are 30% more likely to
    intend to leave than White employees are (Coqual, 2019).

    Demand from customers. Today’s consumers demand ethical
    leadership from corporations and are adept at discerning when ethical
    statements are substantive. This demand for action is increasingly led by
    younger Millennials and Generation Z. These generations vocally hold
    corporations responsible for their response, or lack thereof, to myriad
    ethical issues that arise. They seek out companies that act pro-socially
    or ethically and sometimes boycott corporations that do not.

    The moral imperative. While the statistics presented here are
    compelling, much of the financial business case for diversity relies on
    correlation, not causation. Ely & Thomas (2020) contend that the
    business case is incomplete without acknowledging the moral
    imperative of human dignity. Increasing diversity without adequately
    confronting inequities and willingly reshaping power structures will not
    produce these financial benefits. Furthermore, overemphasizing
    economic payoffs can alienate people from underrepresented groups,
    who are left feeling exploited by the organization. Moving from a
    financial business case to a moral one requires commitment and strong
    alignment with corporate values.

    – 3 –


    Inclusive work environments lead to
    increased belonging, which is linked to…

    Have publicly
    committed to


    Offer programs
    specifically for

    women of color


    More than 1 in 3 Black employees intend
    to leave within 2 years

    Source: Coqual, 2019

    Black White

    Potential annual savings

    for a 10,000 person company


    Risk Sick Days

    Source: Carr et al., 2019


    -50% -75%

    Organizations with greater ethnic diversity
    among executives are more likely than less

    diverse peers to outperform average
    industry profitability

    (national industry median EBIT %)

    Executive ethnic diversity by quartile
    Top Bottom

    Source: McKinsey & Co., 2018

    33% more likely

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace

    Challenges to Developing a Culture of Inclusion

    Changing the culture at its core requires a long-term commitment. Beyond the financial cost of culture change is the
    cost of human resources and time. No single training program or resource will be adequate to address this challenge.
    Organizational change requires a long-term commitment and partnership by executive leadership, middle management, and
    all employees. Increasing a sense of belonging and appreciation for employees of color necessitates a multifaceted,
    multi-phased approach that must be sustained over time. Often, it can take a long time for employees to experience tangible
    results, as the process may need to be revised at multiple points throughout the journey. Planning for and communicating
    honestly about setbacks and missteps is critical.

    Absence of dedicated DEI leadership. Many organizations are taking steps toward long-term change by implementing roles
    dedicated to diversity, equity, and inclusion. Data shows that the number of diversity leadership roles have been increasing
    globally since 2015. Since the summer of 2020 alone, job listings for diversity and inclusion have been posted 4.3 times more
    frequently than before (Anderson, 2020). Mallick (2020) recommends that a Chief Diversity Officer report directly to the CEO
    and have access to and support from the entire C-suite. A new CDO cannot come in, wave a magic wand, and transform an
    organization into an anti-racist one overnight. The person will need dedicated resources to drive cultural change.

    – 4 –

    Lack of authentic communication. Efforts that are not based on the needs and concerns of employees can fall flat or lead
    to resentment. Therefore, in order to successfully introduce effective inclusion strategies into a workplace culture, employees
    of color should be invited to share what is important to them. Facilitating honest conversations regarding race in the
    workplace can be uncomfortable. It can also be a challenge to make sure that employees do not feel that they are being
    asked to solve workplace problems regarding race, but rather are being asked to share their lived experience. Consciously
    developing safe spaces for authentic communication sets the foundation for diversity, equity, and inclusion programs.

    Implicit biases embedded in human resource practices. Implicit biases permeate all aspects of the workplace if they are
    not consciously examined. Examining these biases requires not only a review of recruitment and hiring processes, but also
    how well employees of color grow, advance, and feel accepted. Implicit bias training is a useful tool in combating
    unintentionally discriminatory practices, but it is critical that leaders not merely “check the box” on the training. Consciously
    addressing implicit biases requires ongoing reflections that continue the lifelong process of unlearning. Everyone involved
    should be aware of and value the purpose of such reflection periods and be willing to hold one another accountable.




    Head of Diversity

    Director of Diversity

    Chief Diversity Officer

    Source: LinkedIn (2020)

    Increase in diversity leadership roles, 2015-2020

    A Deep Commitment to Recognizing and Combating Unconscious Bias

    In 2009, in partnership with Harvard Professor of Social Ethics Mahzarin Banaji, PwC began to develop the foundation of
    its unconscious bias program 4 Real, a series of brief videos geared at helping employees to recognize and combat
    unconscious biases – or blind spots – which they carry into the workplace. Grounded in the science of how the mind
    develops assumptions and stereotypes, the self-administered training aims to educate employees about different types
    of biases and the ways in which these influence decision-making. To date, 40,000 PwC employees have completed the
    training. For a more in-depth look at the training and its impact, please click here.

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace


    In her 2018 best-selling book, White
    Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People
    to Talk About Racism, author Robin
    DiAngelo delves deeply into the
    discomfort and defensiveness that a
    White person feels when confronted by
    information about racial inequality and
    injustice. DiAngelo asserts that White
    people in the United States live in a social
    environment that insulates them from
    “race-based stress.” This environment of
    racial protection builds White
    expectations for racial comfort while at
    the same time lowering their capacity to
    tolerate racial conflict.

    This is the essence of White fragility; for
    White people, even a small amount of
    racial stress becomes intolerable and it
    can trigger defensiveness. Typical
    reactions include anger, guilt, or
    withdrawal, and the ensuing behaviors
    function to reinstate White racial
    equilibrium. The result is often an inability
    or unwillingness to see the systemic
    advantages White people experience or
    to address systemic disadvantages. This,
    sometimes unconsciously, perpetuates
    systemic racism.

    DiAngelo challenges White people to
    take responsibility to “be less fragile” so
    that people of color don’t need to “twist
    themselves into knots trying to navigate
    us as painlessly as possible.”

    Limited investment/ funding allocated to diversity programs.
    Training on implicit bias or diversity and inclusion can improve sensitivity
    and awareness in the workplace, but it requires organizations to allocate
    a budget for this work. Consultant fees depend on the size and
    complexity of the organization seeking training, the scope of services
    desired, and the number of office locations that will need to receive
    face-to-face training. If the training budget is limited, the extent of the
    training offered to employees will also be limited. Change agents must
    work with leadership to determine what funds are available, an action
    plan around improving diversity and inclusion, and the ways in which
    leaders and employees can partner to carry out that plan. If dedicated
    funds are low, organizations must decide how to show commitment for
    change in other meaningful ways.

    Resistance from “majority employees”. According to SHRM, 43% of
    American workers believe discussions about race are inappropriate at
    work, making it difficult to challenge the status quo. Change can feel
    uncertain and uncomfortable, and majority employees may not be ready
    to undertake the self exploration required for successful organizational
    change regarding race.

    Furthermore, many majority employees are not sensitive to the
    degree of difference that employees of color experience in the
    workplace. While 65% of Black professionals say it is harder for
    Black employees to advance, only 16% of White professionals
    agree (Coqual, 2019).

    – 5 –

    of American workers believe
    discussions about race are

    inappropriate at work

    Percentage of employees who believe it is
    harder for Black employees to advance



    Source: Coqual, 2019

    Many organizational leaders, primarily White men, have been able to
    achieve great success without diversity efforts. These key stakeholders
    may need to be convinced that improving inclusion for employees of
    color is worth the effort required and that it not only benefits employees
    of color, but also the organization at large.

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace


    Rethink job descriptions. Changing the messaging on job
    descriptions, even through subtle word choices, can have a big impact
    on diversity sourcing and attraction efforts. Encouraging hiring
    managers to be more open to candidates who do not meet all the job
    requirements opens the position up to candidates who are ready to
    move up and grow into the position.

    Establish objective criteria, define “culture fit”, and demand
    accountability. Implicit biases concerning “culture fit” often lead to
    homogeneity in the workplace. It is important to establish objective
    criteria for all open roles and to rate each applicant using a standard
    rubric. If using technology, ensure those tools are built on data that is
    fair to all socio-demographic groups. Proactively test technologies for
    disparate impacts on workers and check for implicit biases on the back
    end. When one insurance company began hiring with objective criteria,
    it ended up offering jobs to 46% more nonwhite candidates than
    before (Williams & Mihaylo, 2019).

    Insist on a diverse pool of candidates. The odds of hiring a nonwhite
    candidate are 194 times higher with at least two nonwhite candidates
    in the pool (Williams & Mihaylo, 2019). To build a diverse pool, search
    using sources such as historically Black colleges and universities,
    Hispanic and Latino organizations, or professional groups like the
    National Association of Asian American Professionals. When asking for
    referrals, reach out to employees of color to source from their
    networks. This strategy should not be used in isolation, as it may cause
    the burden of equality to fall exclusively to employees of color.

    – 6 –

    Partnering with HBCUs

    Dot Foods has adopted a company-wide
    strategy to increase diverse talent, which
    includes unconscious bias training,
    revamping its recruitment and hiring
    practices and strengthening its
    onboarding process. In 2016, Dot began
    efforts to recruit from Historically Black
    Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and
    has had several campaigns geared toward
    operational, sales, and IT positions. As of
    2019, Dot has grown applications and job
    views from 5,000 job views/50
    applications/0 hires to more than 58,000
    job views/500 applications/3 hires.

    Dot has been named in HBCU Connect’s
    Top 50 Diversity Recruitment Employers
    list, recently at #20. HBCU Connect works
    with organizations to assist in efforts to
    reach students and alumni. Dot was
    recognized for doing an excellent job in
    efforts to target students and graduates
    from HBCUs for employment.

    Too often, “fit” is reduced to shared
    backgrounds and interests that
    out-groups do not have.

    to ensure that they are
    working as desired

    Effective Strategies and Practices to Recruit and Retain a
    Diverse and Inclusive Workforce

    There is no such thing as a one-size-fits-all approach to diversity, equity, and inclusion. Solutions and commitments must be
    created specifically to match the environment. The following practices should be considered in the context of the
    organization and selectively applied where relevant.

    Consider blind hiring practices. Use a blind resume review to ensure focus on a candidate’s specific qualifications and
    talents rather than surface demographic characteristics. Shopify recently held a virtual career fair and assigned neutral
    avatars to all attendees that were race, age, and gender agnostic. (McLaren, 2019). This allowed recruiters to objectively
    evaluate applicants based on their experience and competencies.

    Restructure interviews and retrain hiring managers. Unstructured interviews are often unreliable for predicting job
    success. Skills-based questions and work sample tests force employers to critique the quality of a candidate’s work versus
    unconsciously judging them on appearance or race. Ask all interviewees the same questions and ensure that each
    question directly relates to the desired knowledge and skills. Rate the answers immediately in order to compare
    candidates fairly. Train hiring managers on equitable candidate evaluations and ensure that these managers are diverse
    in gender and race.

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace


    In How to be an Antiracist, Ibram X. Kendi,
    a National Book Award winner, develops a
    vision for those who seek to go beyond an
    awareness of race to explain how one can
    become an active agent for change. An
    antiracist is someone who wants to
    contribute to the formation of a more just
    and equitable society.

    Kendi argues that the dichotomy of either
    being a racist or not a racist is a false one.
    He suggests that we must choose to be
    either racist or antiracist, that being
    passive in the pursuit of social justice is an
    insufficient option.

    Through his personal narrative, which
    explores his own early support for what
    he has come to see as racist ideals, and
    chapters on power, culture, behavior,
    color, space and ethnicity, Kendi asserts
    that to be truly antiracist, one must set
    oneself against all forms of social
    oppression. Everyone should feel
    responsible for our current racial situation
    and equally, everyone has the opportunity
    to foster change by taking on the role of


    Merely increasing the number of diverse employees in an organization
    does not dismantle the systems of inequity that exist. Many organizational
    diversity and inclusion initiatives stall at the recruitment stage and fail to
    retain and promote employees of color, leading to the “illusion of
    inclusion” (Roberts, 2020). When people of color rise to leadership, it
    encourages younger employees of color and demonstrates that they can
    grow within the organization.

    Neglecting to meaningfully challenge the status quo can lead to negative
    lived experiences for Black employees. Typical retention tools, such as
    competitive pay and benefits, are ineffective if employees do not feel
    comfortable in their work environment. While leaders recognize the
    importance of a diverse workforce, they often fail to create an
    environment that values individuals for their unique perspectives and
    ensures they will want to stay with the organization. Rather than requiring
    employees to assimilate into existing company cultures, which were
    developed at a time when the workforce consisted predominantly of
    White men, organizations must adapt the company culture to make it truly
    equitable for an increasingly diverse workforce.

    Combine transparency with action to achieve authenticity.
    Statements about cultural change that are not supported by transparency
    and concrete action suggest a lack of authenticity that alienates both
    consumers and employees. At one organization, the chief executive “took
    a knee” in solidarity with Black people, but only 4% of his organization’s
    executives are Black (Agovino, 2020). These glaring disparities do not go
    unnoticed. The difference between performative and active allyship is
    authenticity, and a company’s authentic commitment to diversity may be
    the deciding factor for employees of color. If an employee feels they will
    be the “only” in their organization and they will not receive the support
    needed in order to thrive, the company is far less enticing as a place of

    Establish measurable high-level diversity and inclusion goals and
    create an action plan to achieve them. A successful action plan should
    establish a vision and motivate change. It should clearly outline
    timeframes, responsibilities, and necessary resources. Setting goals,
    collecting data, and examining change over time increases accountability
    and transparency. Linking diversity goals and senior executives’ pay
    increases the likelihood these goals will be accomplished. Despite this,
    only 2.6% of the companies surveyed by Pearl Meyer in 2019 said that
    fulfilling diversity goals determined some portion of chief executives’ pay.
    One company that holds each member of its Executive Committee
    accountable for his or her performance on diversity and inclusion
    measures has seen shareholder return increase by 120% and share price
    increase by 73% (Eavis, 2020).

    – 7 –

    Percentage of US organizations surveyed

    Have publicly
    committed to


    Offer programs
    specifically for

    women of color



    Source: Sastry & Tagle, 2020

    Of the

    who have publicly committed

    to racial/ethnic equality

    Offer programs
    specifically for

    women of color

    E X E C U T I V E B R I E F I N G S E R I E S
    Advancing Diversity, Equity & Inclusion in the Workplace

    Hold honest conversations about race and listen to employees of color.
    Leaders must communicate with empathy and awareness about the racial injustice
    with which the country is grappling. When leaders neglect to hold conversations
    about matters of racial and social injustice, employees are left to wonder if they
    even care, which can lead to a lack of trust that stifles future change efforts.
    Though more than 80% of organizations recently released or will release a
    statement to employees about racial injustice and protests, only one-third have
    gathered the thoughts of their workforce on those issues, according to SHRM
    (Agovino, 2020).

    To create a culture of psychological safety and pave the way for open
    communication, senior leaders must model transparency and authenticity in both
    formal and informal discussions. Leaders should encourage people to share ideas,
    ask questions, and address issues without fear of reprisal. If leaders listen and
    respond to feedback in a meaningful way, employees will develop trust in the
    process. These candid conversations will not be immediately comfortable, but they
    are required to interrupt the patterns that maintain structural disadvantages.
    Unfortunately, uncomfortable and honest conversations are often missing from
    failed diversity initiatives.

    – 8 –

    Percentage of US
    organizations that took action

    on racial injustice issues



    Source: SHRM (August 2020)

    released or

    will release a


    thoughts of


    Recently released or will
    release a statement
    about racial justice

    Gathered the thoughts of
    their workplace on racial

    justice issues


    ACCESS Diversity
    Representation and pipeline

    AUTHENTICITY Inclusion
    Organizational culture and belonging

    Performance evaluation and leadership development

    Power dynamics and leadership profiles

    Developed by Dr. Laura Morgan Roberts, Professor of P


    To Prepare:

    · Reflect on the strategies presented in the Resources for this Module in support of academic style, integrity, and scholarly ethics.

    · Reflect on the connection between academic and professional integrity.

    The Assignment:

    Part 2, Section 1: Writing Sample: The Connection Between Academic and Professional Integrity

    Using the Academic and Professional Success Development Template you began in Module 1, write a 2- to 3-paragraph analysis that includes the following:

    · Explanation for the relationship between academic integrity and writing

    · Explanation for the relationship between professional practices and scholarly ethics

    · Cite at least two resources that support your arguments, being sure to use proper APA formatting.

    · Explain how Grammarly, Safe Assign, and paraphrasing contributes to academic integrity.

    Part 2, Section 2: Strategies for Maintaining Integrity of Work

    Expand on your thoughts from Section 1 by identifying and describing strategies you intend to pursue to maintain integrity and ethics of your:

    1. academic work as a student of the MSN program and 

    2. professional work as a nurse throughout your career. Include a review of resources and approaches you propose to use as a student and a professional.


              The rubric has been copied below. Please let me know if you need any additional information

     Explanation for the relationship between academic integrity and writing. · Explanation for the relationship between professional practices and scholarly ethics. – Cite at least 2 resources that support your argument. · Use Grammarly and SafeAssign to improve the product. Include sufficient evidence that these tools were utilized in explanation on how these tools contribute to academic integrity. 

     Identify and describe strategies you intend to pursue to maintain integrity and ethics of your 1) academic work while a student of the MSN program, and 2) professional work as a nurse throughout your career.

    Include a review of resources and approaches you propose to use as a student and a professional. 

     Written Expression and Formatting—Paragraph Development and Organization: Paragraphs make clear points that support well-developed ideas, flow logically, and demonstrate continuity of ideas. Sentences are carefully focused—neither long and rambling nor short and lacking substance. 



      I need help with the question below

    1. Throughout      the semester we have read about challenges faced by different individuals      with different identities (race, gender, age, etc.) in the workplace.      Depending on the focus of the organization you are reviewing, which 2 of      the challenges you have read about in this course does this organization      address? How does the organization address these challenges? (1-2 pages,      double space). Hint: you have to cite the reading/s that discuss the      challenges.
    2. Based      on what you have read in this course so far, make two recommendations to      this organization. The recommendations can focus on improving existing      programs and policies or creating new ones to meet challenges that you      think are important for the individuals the organization serves. Hint:      Cite readings from the course to support your recommendations (1-2 page      double spaced 

    I have attached all the required references


    92 Public Administration Review • January | February 2009

    P. Edward French is an assistant

    professor in the Department of Political

    Science and Public Administration at

    Mississippi State University. He is the

    coauthor of three books and has published

    in numerous academic journals. His

    teaching and research interests encompass

    local government administration, including

    human resource issues, budgeting, public

    policy, and selected topics in public


    E-mail: pef1@msstate.edu

    Recent Trends
    in Human

    Numerous aspects of the day-to-day operations of local

    governments are subject to legal scrutiny; public manag-

    ers and offi cials must be keenly aware of the legal rights

    and protections that extend to both citizens and employ-

    ees of local governments. Th is research evaluates several

    areas of concern in the human resource administration of

    municipal governments with respect to the management

    of public employees within the protections set forth by the

    legislative and judicial branches of the federal govern-

    ment. Sample cases fi led from 2000 to 2007 against local

    governments in Tennessee involving Title VII violations,

    retaliation, hostile work environment, Family and Medi-

    cal Leave Act violations, and other employee grievances

    are detailed. Th e intent of this analysis is to highlight

    many of the laws and legal principles that relate to

    municipal human resources management and to provide

    scholars and practitioners with a brief overview of the li-

    abilities that may arise from the employment relationship

    between local governments and their employees.

    any of the laws established in this country,

    especially those defi ned by the U.S. Con-

    stitution, have been used to protect the

    rights of our citizenry from infringement by the gov-

    ernment; however, there are times when the actions of

    federal, state, and local governments and their em-

    ployees violate these protections in the provision of

    services, the enforcement of the laws, and the manage-

    ment of government employees. Yet the legal account-

    ability of the government unit and its staff may

    depend on the branch, circumstances, and outcome of

    the violation. Th e federal government has always

    possessed sovereign immunity and cannot be sued

    unless it has waived this immunity or has consented

    to the suit; the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitu-

    tion grants similar sovereign

    immunity to the states. 1 Local

    governments, however, lack

    protection from most court pro-

    ceedings because of the U.S.

    Supreme Court’s interpretation

    that only states and arms of the

    state possess immunity from suits

    authorized by federal law ( Durchslag 2002 ). Th is

    Court’s long-standing precedent has established that

    political subdivisions of the states (counties, munici-

    palities, school districts, and other local entities) are

    not entitled to Eleventh Amendment immunity. 2

    In 1946, Congress passed the Tort Claims Act, which

    allowed citizens to sue their government for injuries

    caused by the negligent action of federal employees.

    Most state governments followed with similar statutes.

    Historically, public employees have been protected as

    individuals from constitutional torts by the doctrine

    of absolute immunity established under American

    common law ( Rosenbloom and Kravchuk 2005 ). Th is

    doctrine was reexamined by the courts in the 1970s as

    a result of the expansion of both individual constitu-

    tional rights and civil liability in the American legal

    system ( Riccucci 2006 ). While the Civil Rights Act of

    1871 (amended and codifi ed in 42 U.S. Code, section

    1983) was enacted after the Civil War to protect African

    Americans in the South from abuses by the Ku Klux

    Klan, litigation under this statute was fairly uncom-

    mon until 1961. In Monroe v. Pape (365 U.S. 167

    [1961]), the Supreme Court held that local govern-

    ments were wholly immune from suit under 42

    U.S.C. § 1983, which imposes civil liability on every

    “person” who deprives another of his or her federally

    protected rights. Th e Court reasoned that Congress

    had not intended the word “person” in this section to

    apply to municipalities. Th is case was later overturned

    in Monell v. Department of Social Services of the State of

    New York (436 U.S. 658 [1978]), in which the Court

    determined that local governments, municipal corpo-

    rations, and school boards were “persons” subject to

    liability under § 1983 and were not wholly immune

    from § 1983 suits. Th is decision

    also stated that local government

    offi cials could be sued in their

    offi cial capacity as “persons”

    under § 1983 in those cases in

    which a local government would

    be subject to suit in its own

    name. Th is section also allows

    P. Edward French
    Mississippi State University

    Employment Laws and the Public Sector Employer:

    Lessons to Be Learned from a Review of Lawsuits Filed

    against Local Governments

    . . . the legal accountability of
    the government unit and its

    staff may depend on the branch,
    circumstances, and outcome of

    the violation.

    Employment Laws and the Public Sector Employer 93

    individuals to sue state offi cials in state or federal

    court for civil rights violations. Th e doctrine of abso-

    lute immunity has been replaced by qualifi ed immu-

    nity for many employees of the public sector and still

    protects government offi cials performing discretionary

    functions as long as their actions do not violate clearly

    established law. Qualifi ed immunity protects public

    offi cials in all levels of government from civil suits

    only if they have acted reasonably and in good faith

    ( Riccucci 2006 ). However, if a state or local govern-

    ment offi cial violates a federally protected right of an

    individual, such as those defi ned in the First Amend-

    ment, the Fourteenth Amendment, and the equal

    protection clause of the Constitution, civil action for

    the deprivation of rights can be initiated and redress

    sought through the court system.

    Numerous aspects of the day-to-day operations of

    municipalities have attracted legal scrutiny; lawsuits

    and judgments against municipalities, municipal

    employees, and elected offi cials have increased dra-

    matically over the last several years in many functional

    areas as a result of the ruling in Monell ( LaBrec and

    Foerster 1985 ). Th ird-party liabilities arising from

    intentional or unintentional torts, statutory liabilities,

    and contractual liabilities present a serious threat.

    Also, individuals may fi le a case against the municipal-

    ity alleging negligence of its offi cials or employees. In

    addition, routine human resource functions such as

    recruitment, selection, promotion, performance ap-

    praisals, and merit systems have the potential for legal

    scrutiny, jury trials, compensa-

    tory and punitive damages, and

    other burdens imposed under

    Title VII of the Civil Rights Act

    of 1964, the Civil Rights Act of

    1991, the Age Discrimination in

    Employment Act, the Americans

    with Disabilities Act (ADA), the

    Equal Pay Act, the Fair Labor

    Standards Act, the Family and

    Medical Leave Act (FMLA), and

    tort theories such as defamation,

    misrepresentation, and negligence. While these acts

    have been implemented to protect employees from

    discrimination and arbitrary management decisions

    and focus personnel decisions on job qualifi cations

    and job related actions, the resulting increase in civil

    rights and employment case law has also made it more

    diffi cult for employers to take justifi ed action against

    their employees ( Woodard 2005 ).

    Th is research evaluates several areas of concern in the

    human resource administration of municipal govern-

    ments with respect to the management of local gov-

    ernment employees within the protections set forth

    by the legislative and judicial branches of the federal

    government. It is inevitable that most local govern-

    ments will experience some form of legal scrutiny

    regarding their human resource operations. Decisions

    in recruitment and selection, promotion, discipline,

    and dismissal often fuel discrimination and other

    types of lawsuits by disgruntled applicants, current

    employees, and former employees. In many cases, the

    nature of the employment relationship and the na-

    ture of the employment decision are factors in deter-

    mining whether a dispute has actual legal merit. An

    overview of selected laws and legal principles that

    pertain to the nature of the employment relationship

    between municipal governments and their employees

    is included in this analysis. In addition, select laws

    and legal principles that describe the potential liabil-

    ity for employment discrimination are discussed.

    Sample cases fi led against local governments in Ten-

    nessee involving Title VII violations, retaliation,

    hostile work environment, Family and Medical Leave

    Act violations, and other employee grievances are

    detailed in this study to illustrate the liabilities that

    may arise for municipalities in the employment law


    Public Sector Employees and Their
    Th e employment relationship between public sector

    employees and public entities can be very diff erent

    from the employment relationship between private

    sector employees and private entities. Most individu-

    als employed in the private sector are subject to an

    at-will employment relationship with their organiza-

    tion. Employment at will allows either party to ter-

    minate the work relationship at

    any time. Th is term is derived

    from the court decision in Payne

    v. Western and Atlantic RA Com-

    pany (82 Tenn. 597 [1884]),

    which held that an employer in

    the private sector does not have

    to provide cause to an employee

    who is terminated ( Patton et al.

    2002 ). At-will employment

    often prevents private sector

    employees from claiming a

    property right in their positions within the organiza-

    tion. Yet the private employer’s discretion regarding

    termination is not entirely without limits. Employers

    may be found liable by the courts in cases in which

    there may be an implied contract or in which the

    employer terminates an employee after the individ-

    ual complains of harassment or accuses the employer

    of some other form of misconduct involving dis-

    crimination or retaliation. However, with at-will

    employment arrangements, the employee who chal-

    lenges an arbitrary discharge shoulders the burden of

    proof in the judicial proceeding; even employees

    who have legitimate claims may be discouraged from

    pursuing legal recourse because of the costs, time

    requirements, and justifi cations required ( Gertz

    2006 ).

    Th e employment relationship
    between public sector

    employees and public entities
    can be very diff erent from the

    employment relationship
    between private sector

    employees and private entities.

    94 Public Administration Review • January | February 2009

    Most public sector employees, however, are privy to a

    unique set of legal protections guaranteed by several

    federal and state laws. Th e Constitution often pro-

    tects the public sector employee’s rights to freedom

    of speech and association, privacy, equal protection,

    and due process, just as it protects these same rights

    of all citizens; the Supreme Court has continued to

    rule that public employees have substantive constitu-

    tional rights and protections against the actions of

    government employers ( Rosenbloom 2007 ). In addi-

    tion, a civil service employee is considered to have a

    bona fi de property right to his or her position after

    he or she has progressed beyond the probationary

    term of employment ( Patton et al. 2002 ). Termina-

    tion of a civil employee by a federal, state, or local

    government requires just cause that in many cases

    must be viewed as indisputable if the employee fi les

    a wrongful discharge claim against the government

    employer. At the present time, only a handful of

    states, including Florida, Georgia, and Texas, have

    instituted substantial reforms to the civil service

    system, such as at-will employment relationships

    that aim to increase executive control over public

    employees ( Coggburn 2006 ).

    Over the past two decades, these at-will employment

    initiatives and a wave of other reforms have taken

    place, aimed at enhancing the effi ciency of the public

    sector and the control that government has over it.

    New Public Management and its accompanying

    changes have attempted to make public entities func-

    tion similar to the private sector. Debureaucratization,

    decentralization, and changes in career civil service

    have been central themes in this reinventing govern-

    ment movement ( Coggburn 2000; Hou et al. 2000;

    Kearney and Hays 1998; Kellough 1999; Kellough

    and Selden 2003 ). Deregulation of government per-

    sonnel administration has been suggested and imple-

    mented to alleviate notable concerns in the traditional

    civil system, such as undeserved tenure, the rewarding

    of seniority rather than merit, and certain diffi culties

    associated with employee discipline ( Coggburn 2000 ).

    Proponents suggest that at-will employment enhances

    governments’ eff orts to make their employees more

    accountable for performance and eases legal restraints

    on the termination of public employees who are poor

    performers or discipline problems. However, concerns

    regarding program implementation, job security, work

    environment, administrative accountability, and per-

    formance of civil service reforms are still being de-

    bated as to whether these private sector approaches

    off er signifi cant opportunities for government em-

    ployers to overcome employee protections under the

    civil service system and enhance public sector em-

    ployee responsiveness, productivity, and management

    ( Battaglio and Condrey 2006; Bowman 2002; Bowman

    et al. 2003; Condrey 2002; Hays and Sowa 2006;

    Kearney and Hays 1998; Kellough 1999; Nigro and

    Kellough 2000 ).

    Human resource areas of legal concern in the public

    sector environment regarding 42 U.S.C. § 1983 are

    very similar to those found in the private sector and

    often include hiring and promotion processes, disabil-

    ity accommodations, and hostile work environment

    or retaliation claims. Hiring decisions may subject the

    local government employer to allegations of discrimi-

    nation based on race, sex, or age. Also, claims of dis-

    parate treatment or disparate impact may emerge after

    recruitment and selection takes place. Disparate treat-

    ment involves intentional discrimination by the em-

    ployer that results in improper distinctions among

    individuals based on a protected status. Disparate

    (adverse) impact is the unintentional discrimination

    that arises from employment practices that appear

    neutral but adversely aff ect those with protected sta-

    tus. Th e overall goal of the local government hiring

    process should be to identify and select the applicant

    with the most appropriate qualifi cations for the va-

    cancy within the municipality. However, just consid-

    eration must be given to individuals who fall within

    the protected classes established by Title VII of the

    Civil Rights Act of 1964 and other acts, including the

    1967 Age Discrimination in Employment Act and the

    Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (see table 1 ).

    Affi rmative action also requires that federal govern-

    ment agencies and contractors not only refrain from

    discriminating against minority individuals in their

    employment practices but also take steps to actively

    recruit minority individuals for employment ( Kellough

    2006 ). Both public and private sector employers are

    also liable if discrimination occurs in their promotion,

    training, pay, benefi ts, discipline, and termination


    Protection from sexual harassment in the workplace

    also falls under Title VII. Sexual harassment is defi ned

    by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission

    as “[u]nwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual

    favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sex-

    ual nature constitute sexual harassment when this

    conduct explicitly or implicitly aff ects an individual’s

    employment, unreasonably interferes with an individ-

    ual’s work performance, or creates an intimidating,

    hostile, or off ensive work environment” ( EEOC

    2007 ).

    Th is statute applies to employers with 15 or more

    employees, including federal, state, and local govern-

    ments. Municipalities are expected to encourage and

    maintain work environments free of sexual harassment

    by implementing no-tolerance policies that are eff ec-

    tively communicated to employees, providing sexual

    harassment training for employees, establishing a

    complaint and grievance process for employees, and

    making plans for immediate and appropriate action in

    response to employee complaints ( EEOC 2007 ). Both

    public and private employers are viewed by the courts

    as liable for the sexual harassment actions of their

    Employment Laws and the Public Sector Employer 95

    employees. In addition to claims

    of sexual harassment, allegations of

    a hostile work environment may

    arise if this conduct interferes with

    the employee’s work and creates

    an off ensive work environment.

    Retaliation may also be charged if

    a government employee is treated

    diff erently once he or she has

    reported an alleged misconduct or

    violation of policy by another

    government employee or offi cial. Local government

    administrators must be very familiar with these legal

    rights and protections, or they put themselves at risk

    for allegations of discrimination and misconduct in

    their human resource policies and actions. Th e follow-

    ing section details actual cases that have been fi led

    against local governmental entities in the state of

    Tennessee by potential, current, and former employees

    who have alleged violations of several of these laws

    and legal principles.

    Case Studies
    Th e federal court cases for this research study were

    found through a search of Public Access to Court

    Records (PACER, http://www.pacer.psc.uscourts.

    gov ), which listed more than 350 court cases that

    were fi led from 2000 to 2007 against public entities

    in Tennessee within the U.S. district court system

    and the U.S. court of appeals. Th e search was limited

    to cases that alleged employment discrimination in

    hiring, promotion, and fi ring; violations of the Fair

    Labor Standards Act; and violations of the Americans

    with Disabilities Act. 3 Detailed information for

    several of these cases was found in a search of Lexis-

    Nexis Academic. Th is informa-

    tion included the prior history

    of the case, opinion, and dis-

    position of the court. Th e

    lawsuits that are included in

    this discussion distinctly illus-

    trate several of the legal issues

    that local government entities

    may encounter in their daily

    personnel operations. Both

    court decisions in favor of the

    municipality and against the municipality are


    Discrimination in Hiring
    Numerous cases found during this time period al-

    leged discrimination in the hiring, promotion, and

    termination decisions of several municipalities in

    Tennessee. One individual brought suit against a

    municipality under the Americans with Disabilities

    Act and the Vocational Rehabilitation Act of 1973

    alleging that the city had refused to hire him as a

    police offi cer because he was infected with the human

    immunodefi ciency virus (HIV) ( Holiday v. City of

    Chattanooga, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth

    Circuit, no. 98-5619, 2000). In this case, the city of

    Chattanooga had extended this applicant an employ-

    ment off er that was contingent on the passing of a

    physical examination required by state statute.

    During the physical examination, the potential em-

    ployee informed the examining physician that he was

    HIV positive. As a result of this disclosure, the

    medical examiner concluded that the individual was

    not strong enough to withstand the physical require-

    ments of the police offi cer position; he advised the

    Table 1 Employment Laws and Statues

    Laws and Principles Summary

    Civil Rights Act of 1964 Title VII prohibits discrimination based on race, color, sex, religion, and national origin.
    Executive Order 10925 (1961) Prohibits federal government and its contractors from employment discrimination because

    of race, creed, color, or national origin and requires that these employers take affi rmative
    action in employment practices.

    Executive Order 11246 (1965) Prohibits the federal government from contracting with any public entity or private entity
    found to have personnel policies that discriminate based on race, color, religion, or
    national origin.

    Executive Order 11375 (1967) Prohibits sex as a basis of discrimination for the federal government and its contractors.
    Age Discrimination in Employment Act

    Prohibits employment discrimination of individuals age 40 and over.

    Equal Employment Opportunity Act

    Prohibits discrimination and extends affi rmative action policies to state and local
    governments and prohibits discrimination by private sector employers with 15 or more

    Americans with Disabilities Act (1990) Prohibits discrimination in employment based on a known physical or mental impairment
    against a qualifi ed individual with a disability.

    Older Workers Protection Act (1990) Amendment to Age Discrimination in Employment Act that broadened discrimination to
    include distinctions that may be made in employee benefi ts based on age and prohibited
    such actions.

    Civil Rights Act of 1991 Allows jury trials and compensatory and punitive damages in discrimination cases. Also
    alters the burden of proof and other technical aspects of some cases.

    Family and Medical Leave Act (1993) Individuals who are determined eligible may take up to 12 weeks of unpaid personal leave
    per year for certain medical reasons. After this absence, the covered employee is entitled
    to return to the same position or another position that has equal pay, benefi ts, and
    working conditions.

    Retaliation may . . . be charged
    if a government employee is
    treated diff erently once he or
    she has reported an alleged
    misconduct or violation of

    policy by another government
    employee or offi cial.

    96 Public Administration Review • January | February 2009

    municipality that this applicant did not pass the

    medical examination.

    Th e plaintiff had previously passed a written examina-

    tion and completed a physical agility test for the city a

    year prior to being invited to interview for the open

    position. After receipt of the medical examination

    report, the administrator of the city’s Department of

    Safety decided to withdraw the off er, and the city’s

    personnel director informed the applicant that the

    municipality could not hire him because other em-

    ployees and the public would be put at risk. Th e po-

    tential employee fi led suit in the district court alleging

    that the city had violated the Americans with Disabili-

    ties Act and the Rehabilitation Act by basing this

    hiring decision on his HIV status.

    Th e U.S. district court granted summary judgment to

    the city, noting that it had withdrawn its conditional

    off er of employment only because the plaintiff could

    not pass the physical examination mandated by state

    law, not because of any disability this individual pos-

    sessed. Th e court stated that the city had a right to

    reasonably rely on the physician’s report as substantive

    evidence that the applicant could not meet the physi-

    cal requirements of the police offi cer position.

    Th e U.S. court of appeals, however, reversed this

    decision. Th e appellate court ruled that the district

    court had erred in accepting the physician’s report as

    dispositive evidence of the individual’s alleged inabil-

    ity to perform as a police offi cer. Th e plaintiff had

    presented suffi cient evidence to the appellate court

    that this physician had failed to complete the indi-

    vidualized determination required by the ADA and

    had determined the applicant to be unqualifi ed be-

    cause of his HIV status. Th e ADA mandates an indi-

    vidualized inquiry in determining whether an

    employee’s disability or other condition disqualifi es

    him or her from a certain position. Th is inquiry must

    evaluate the individual’s actual medical condition and

    the impact, if any, that this condition may have on the

    individual’s ability to perform the requirements of the

    position. Th e court of appeals also stated that a ratio-

    nal trier of fact could conclude that the municipal

    offi cial had withdrawn the employment off er because

    of the fear that this individual would transmit the

    human immunodefi ciency virus while employed by

    the city. As a result of the evidence presented in this

    case, the U.S. court of appeals reversed the district

    court’s grant of summary judgment on behalf of the


    Another suit involving alleged age and sex discrimina-

    tion was brought against the city of Cookeville and its

    police chief when the city failed to hire a former em-

    ployee who had voluntarily resigned from two posi-

    tions previously held with the city ( Andrews v. City of

    Cookeville, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Cir-

    cuit, no. 01-6413, 2003). Th is individual had resigned

    the fi rst time when the municipality requested that

    the employee move into the city while he was still

    attending school in an adjacent community. Th e

    employee had resigned a second time to accept a

    position as a criminal investigator in a public defend-

    er’s offi ce. When the municipality had an opening for

    a police offi cer, the plaintiff applied for the position,

    passed the written and agility examinations, and was

    interviewed. After these three segments of the applica-

    tion process were completed, the individual was

    ranked eighth and was not off ered employment.

    As a result of this hiring decision, the plaintiff brought

    suit against the city and its police chief alleging age

    and sex discrimination. Th e age discrimination claim

    was fi led as a result of a comment made by the police

    chief during the applicant’s agility examination, in

    which the chief compared this individual to George

    Foreman because he did not know when to quit. Th e

    sex discrimination claim resulted when the position

    was off ered to a female. Th e police chief had allegedly

    informed the plaintiff that the female applicant was

    hired because she was a qualifi ed female who ranked

    close to the top in the interview process. After this

    opening was fi lled, the city also hired three additional

    offi cers out of the same applicant pool, one of whom

    had allegedly scored lower on the oral interview than

    the plaintiff . Th e plaintiff claimed to be more quali-

    fi ed because of his education, training, and experi-

    ence. After hearing the facts of this case, the federal

    district court granted the city’s motion for summary

    judgment and dismissed the action.

    Th e plaintiff appealed the judgment on rejection of

    the age discrimination claim to the U.S. court of

    appeals. In its review of the decision, the appellate

    court found that the district court appeared to have

    accepted that the plaintiff had presented enough

    evidence to satisfy a prima facie burden for an age

    discrimination claim. Th e city argued that the plaintiff

    was not qualifi ed for the police offi cer position be-

    cause he had been designated ineligible for rehire after

    the second resignation of employment from the city.

    Both the district and appellate courts rejected the

    city’s contention. Th e court of appeals found fault

    with the district court because it had only considered

    the city’s hiring of the female applicant in its assess-

    ment of the city’s nondiscriminatory reason for not

    hiring the plaintiff for the position. Th e district court

    did not consider the applicant who had scored lower

    on the oral interview than the plaintiff but was still

    off ered a position with the city, nor did the district

    court off er an explanation as to why consideration of

    the facts were limited to the female hire. Th e appellant

    found fault with this omission and asked the court of

    appeals to consider the hiring of the applicant with

    the lower oral interview score, the police chief ’s

    reference to George



    Review of Public Personnel Administration, Vol. 26, No. 2 June 2006 178-187
    DOI: 10.1177/0734371X06287736
    © 2006 Sage Publications


    The Rise of At-Will Employment
    and Racial Inequality in the
    Public Sector
    University of Miami

    This article assesses several likely consequences of moving from a traditional
    tenure to an at-will system of employment for patterns of racial inequality in
    the public sector. On the basis of these consequences, it is argued that an at-will
    system may negate the long-standing status of the public arena as the labor mar-
    ket niche for African Americans. The broad discretion of employers may increase
    susceptibility of African Americans to discrimination-induced job dismissals.
    In addition, employment at will may reduce the social-psychological benefits
    traditionally associated with government employment.

    Keywords: public sector; employment; race; inequality

    Social scientists have long recognized that the socioeconomic attainmentsof racial and ethnic minority groups vary across locations in the American
    labor market (Collins, 1997; Model, 1985; Waldinger, 1996). “Niches” sig-
    nify locations where the socioeconomic attainments of racial/ethnic group
    members are more favorable than other locations in the market (Burstein,
    1985; Model, 1985; Waldinger, 1996). Accordingly, a niche is not necessar-
    ily where a numerical majority of racial/ethnic group members work. Rather,
    a niche is a “segment of the labor market in which a disproportionate number
    of racial/ethnic group members in that segment achieve socioeconomic suc-
    cess” (Model, 1985, p. 114) and where “minority group incumbents, partic-
    ularly in favorable occupational slots, achieve relative parity in economic
    outcomes with members from other ethnic groups” (p. 116).

    This article addresses evolving patterns of racial inequality of African
    Americans in their labor market niche—the public sector. In particular,
    it addresses several likely race-specific consequences as the rules governing
    employment change from the long-standing system based on tenure to one
    predicated on principles of at-will employment (Bowman, Gertz, Gertz, &

    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 178


    Williams, 2003; Green, Golden, Forbis, Nelson, & Robinson, in press; West,
    2002). On the basis of these consequences, the rise of at-will employment may
    negate the status of the public sector as the labor market niche for African
    Americans. Most important, the discretion of employers may increase suscep-
    tibility to discrimination-induced job dismissals. In addition, the advent
    of an at-will system may disproportionately reduce the social-psychological
    benefits—job satisfaction and organizational commitment or loyalty—
    traditionally associated with public employment.


    The public sector has constituted the niche in the labor market for African
    Americans throughout the post-1965 civil rights era (Collins, 1997; Wilson,
    1997). In particular, since the end of World War II, the government—at
    both the federal and state levels—has made a concerted effort to overcome
    negative economic consequences associated with discrimination in the pri-
    vate sector. It has done so by creating opportunities for African Americans to
    “find a haven in which to achieve a significant level of success” (Burstein,
    1985, p. 113). However, it was not until the 1960s, when the welfare state
    expanded and issues of equality became a priority, that government assumed
    its most activist posture in providing meaningful employment for African
    Americans in jobs that span the professions and managerial ranks (Collins,
    1997; Wilson, 1997).

    The contemporary record regarding the socioeconomic attainments of
    African Americans in the public sector is mixed. First, in an absolute sense,
    there is inequality in the representation of African Americans across different
    levels of the public sector. Analyses of state- and federal-level data indicate that
    African Americans continue to be underrepresented in middle- and upper-
    middle-class positions that include managers, executives, and professionals
    (Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995; Greene, Selden, & Brewer, 2001; Riccucci
    & Seidel, 1997). Second, across levels of the public sector in privileged posi-
    tions, African Americans tend to be disproportionately allocated into jobs that
    offer lesser rewards than positions typically filled by Whites. Specifically, at
    both state and federal levels, African Americans are channeled into jobs that
    entail performing inferior-rewarded functions devoted to redistributing
    socioeconomic resources and serving as liaisons to community groups rather
    than more generously rewarded functions concerning regulating the scope and
    functions of government (Collins, 1997; Colvin & Riccucci, 2003).

    Nevertheless, despite these indicators of racial inequality, the criteria
    used to designate a segment of the labor market as an economic niche are

    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 179


    satisfied in the case of African Americans in the public sector. First, the
    Glass Ceiling Commission (1995) found that African Americans achieve
    greater levels of representation in privileged positions at both state and fed-
    eral levels of the public sector than in the private sector. Second, recent
    research demonstrates that for a variety of socioeconomic outcomes includ-
    ing income (Farley & Allen, 1989) and rates of promotion (Smith, 1997),
    African Americans in privileged positions achieve greater levels of relative
    parity with similarly situated Whites in state and federal government than
    in the private sector.

    Evidence of the public sector as a niche is presented from the 2004 wave
    of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). The PSID is a nationally
    representative data set that tracks labor market patterns of African Americans
    and Whites (Hill, 1985). Table 1 presents descriptive analyses that identify
    the representation of African Americans and Whites in positions that offer
    reward-relevant decision-making responsibility in the public and private
    sectors. Three hierarchical levels of job authority are derived from the PSID:
    none if respondent did not supervise any workers on the job, low if respon-
    dent had supervisory authority but had no say over the pay or promotion of
    others, and high if respondent had both supervisory authority and say over
    pay or promotion.

    Table 1 illustrates that African Americans are more advantaged in the
    public than in the private sphere in terms of their distribution across the
    authority hierarchy. Several findings stand out. First, the racial gap favor-
    ing Whites over African Americans in representation at the high level in
    the public sector (7.9%) is less than one half the gap in the private sector
    (20.3%). The second derives from the index of dissimilarity (∆), which
    measures the proportion of people who would have to move to other levels
    in the table to achieve equality in the distribution of job authority. The
    dissimilarity index across sectors indicates that about 2 1/2 times the
    amount of people would have to change authority levels in the private
    sector (27.8%) as the public sector (11.0%) to achieve parity.

    Table 2 presents income ratios for African American and Whites rela-
    tive to Whites across selected levels of work experience in one working-
    class (clerical/operatives) and one middle-class (managers/administrators),
    2000 census-based occupational category in the public and private

    Inequities favoring Whites are smaller across both categories in the public
    sector. In both class categories in the public arena, African Americans earn
    between 80 and 95 cents for every dollar earned by Whites; in the private
    sector, the proportion earned by African Americans ranges between 68%
    and 75% of the amount earned by Whites.

    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 180



    One of the most important benefits of working in the public sector
    derives from job security (Condrey & Maranto, 2001; Green et al., in
    press). Tenure serves dual purposes. At the organizational level, security
    facilitates state responsiveness: It helps to ensure the efficient and uninter-
    rupted delivery of services (Peters, 2001). For workers, security facilitates
    uninterrupted material benefits and career status through protection from

    Table 1. Levels of Supervisory Authority Among African Americans and Whites

    Public Sector Private Sector

    African Whites Difference African Whites Difference
    Americans (%) (%) (%) Americans (%) (%) (%)

    Authority level
    High 11.6 19.5 7.9 5.2 25.0 20.3
    Low 21.4 24.5 3.1 14.5 22.5 8.0
    None 67.0 56.0 80.3 52.5
    Total 100.0 100.0 ∆ = 11.0 100.0 100.0 ∆ = 27.8

    Source: Panel Study of Income Dynamics 2004.

    Table 2. Annual Income Ratios for African Americans Relative to Whites at
    Selected Levels of Workforce Experience in Middle-Class and Working-
    Class Occupations

    Private Sector

    Years in Workforce

    1 3 5 7 9

    Managers/administrators (middle) .72 .74 .77 .75 .70
    Clerical/operatives (working) .68 .71 .73 .70 .69

    Public Sector

    Years in Workforce

    1 3 5 7 9

    Managers/administrators (middle) .84 .86 .85 .83 .87
    Clerical/operatives (working) .82 .80 .84 .85 .82

    Source: Panel Study of Income Dynamics 2004.

    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 181


    arbitrary job dismissals—namely, layoffs and firing—without “just cause”
    (Peters, 2001).

    A second benefit of public employment is social psychological in nature.
    African Americans enjoy relatively high levels of job satisfaction and organi-
    zational commitment or loyalty. Satisfaction is defined as “a cluster of evalu-
    ative feelings related to the sense of gratification and enjoyment derived from
    the work one performs” (Tuch & Martin, 1991, p. 107). Organizational
    commitment has been defined as “an attitude related to identifying with an
    organization’s goals and purposes” (Scholl, 1981, p. 588).

    A distillation of several studies addressing the distribution of satisfaction
    and organizational commitment across sectors reveals that in the early 1990s,
    incumbents in both middle- and working-class positions in the federal govern-
    ment had higher mean rates along both experiential domains than did workers
    in similar positions in the private sector (Knudsen, Martin, Martin, & Roman,
    2003; Tuch & Martin, 1991). These sectoral differences have important reper-
    cussions. Levels of both job satisfaction and loyalty or commitment are related
    to workplace-based performance measures such as employee absenteeism and
    turnover (Hall, 1986), worker productivity (Hanson, Martin, & Tuch, 1987),
    and workplace injuries and accidents (Hanson et al., 1987). They also influence
    several socioemotional states that are experienced outside of the workplace,
    such as stress (Hall, 1986) and depression (Hanson et al. 1987).

    Literature in the social sciences has analyzed the dynamics of job satis-
    faction and organizational commitment (for reviews, see Tuch & Martin,
    1991). This research indicates there is considerable overlap in the under-
    lying determinants of both multidimensional constructs. In particular,
    “expectations for job certainty” (Tuch & Martin, 1991, p. 107) and
    “intrinsic nature of work” (Hall, 1986, p. 34) undergird satisfaction and
    commitment. The “certainty” dimension refers to “expectations for con-
    tinued employment” (Hall, 1986, p. 112), and the intrinsic work dimen-
    sion refers to degree of routinization of job tasks (Tuch & Martin, 1991).
    It also refers to engaging in work functions that serve the “broader public
    good” (Kalleberg, 1977, p. 140).


    At-Will Employment and Job Dismissals

    There is a solid basis for arguing that the implementation of at-will
    employment in the public sector will have disproportionately negative

    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 182

    consequences for African Americans (Green et al., in press; Walters, 2002;
    Wilson, 1997). Most critically, the loss of job security will render African
    Americans disproportionately vulnerable to “the most glaring negative
    stratification-event in the workplace” (Zwerling & Silver, 1992, p. 653):
    job dismissal (which includes both layoffs and firings).

    The possibility that African Americans are disproportionately sus-
    ceptible to dismissals pursuant to the advent of at-will reforms derives
    from research on its discriminatory bases in the private sector, where at-
    will employment predominates (Wilson & McBrier, 2005). Accordingly,
    dynamics regarding at-will employment in business are a likely indication
    of their effect on the public sector. In fact, subtle, institutional dynamics
    associated with “modern racial prejudice” (Pettigrew, 1985, p. 336) con-
    stitute the underpinnings of race-specific rates of job dismissal. Specifi-
    cally, discrimination is manifested in its disproportionate impact on
    African Americans, rather than by individual ill will or malice, and tends
    to fall outside of the scope of legally enforceable guidelines (Wilson,

    Research on private sector dynamics traces the source of racial inequal-
    ity in dismissals to the discretion employers exercise in evaluating employ-
    ees. Discretion constitutes the primary basis for assessments, which, in
    turn, are the typical cause of firings (Zwerling & Silver, 1992), and employ-
    ers use them in determining who will be subject to layoffs (Wilson &
    McBrier, 2005). Studies document that discretion takes the form of “par-
    ticularism” (Wilson, 1997, p. 41), that is, evaluations are based on a range
    of personal characteristics that are vaguely defined and difficult to measure
    directly—such as perceived loyalty, good character, sound judgment, and
    leadership potential (Kluegel, 1978; Wilson, 1997).

    Significantly, African Americans suffer from a relative lack of opportu-
    nity to demonstrate the requisite personal characteristics, and this triggers
    discriminatory dynamics. For example, reduced access to crucial informal
    social networks exacerbates cognitive biases such as “statistical discrimina-
    tion” (Wilson, 1997, p. 41) and “attribution bias” (Pettigrew, 1985,
    p. 333). Consequently, African Americans tend to be assessed on selective
    bases that reaffirm negative stereotypes about capacity for, and levels
    of, productivity at work. Conversely, Whites have the opportunity to
    demonstrate the requisite personal characteristics on a relatively “merito-
    cratic and individualistic basis” (Wilson, 1997, p. 53). As such, they are
    more likely to be assessed on the basis of the “natural occurring distribu-
    tion of relevant personal characteristics” (Wilson & McBrier, 2005,
    p. 1184).1


    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 183


    At-Will Employment and Social-Psychological Benefits

    There is also a foundation for believing the rise of at-will employment
    may handicap African Americans more than Whites in terms of the social-
    psychological benefits, job satisfaction, and organizational loyalty or com-
    mitment, traditionally associated with working in the public sector. First,
    African Americans are more burdened than are Whites if the two groups
    experience similar levels of reduction in job satisfaction and organizational
    commitment pursuant to the rise of at-will reforms. African Americans suf-
    fer a loss where they perform best in the labor market. As such, the nega-
    tive impact on the most substantial concentration of the privileged among
    the African American population signals a significant loss for the group as a
    whole. Conversely, reduction in levels of job satisfaction and organizational
    commitment pursuant to the advent of at-will employment is, arguably, not
    as major a setback for Whites. They continue to disproportionately enjoy
    the benefits of incumbency in privileged positions in segments of the private
    sector, their labor market niche (Waldinger, 1996).

    Second, there is reason to suspect that African Americans will experi-
    ence greater reductions in job satisfaction and organizational commitment
    than Whites if an at-will system is implemented. In particular, with the
    advent of at-will employment, African Americans’ sentiments along cru-
    cial underlying determinants of both satisfaction and organizational com-
    mitment would be more adversely affected than Whites’. For example,
    levels of perceived job certainty, an underpinning of both experiential
    domains, would, presumably, decrease more for African Americans than
    for Whites if they became more susceptible to discriminatory job dis-
    missals. Similarly, discrimination-induced dismissals disproportionately
    reduce beliefs among African Americans that working in the public sector
    is associated with an additional advantage of job satisfaction and organi-
    zational commitment—“laboring for the public good.” To the extent that
    the “public good” is social and/or racial justice, positive levels of satisfac-
    tion and organizational commitment, which are predicated on justice in
    the workplace, are undermined by discriminatory practices.


    Scholars and policy makers continue to debate the merits of moving from
    a tenured to an at-will system of employment. In the context of these debates,
    however, scant attention has been paid to the implications of this transition
    for racial inequality. Using the private sector—where at-will employment is

    ROPPA287736.qxd 4/8/2006 4:45 PM Page 184

    prevalent—as a baseline, it is maintained that the adoption of an at-will
    system will likely increase levels of racial inequality in the public sector. Most
    important, the broad discretion of employers will likely increase susceptibility
    of African Americans to discriminatory job dismissals. In addition, the advent
    of an at-will system may disproportionately reduce the social-psychological
    benefits traditionally associated with government employment.

    These consequences may negate the long-standing status of the public
    sector as the labor market niche for African Americans. Accordingly, the
    decades-long commitment to equal economic opportunity will suffer a
    setback if an at-will system is instituted. It is in the segment of the labor
    market that has for generations served as a source of relatively stable and
    remunerative employment for African Americans that levels of inequality
    will come to increasingly resemble those in the private sector. Without the
    public sector serving as a “socioeconomic safety-net” (Edsall & Edsall,
    1991, p. 78) for African Americans, the growing class differentiation that
    has been a hallmark of the African American population in the civil rights
    era will be reversed, making race a more fundamental cleavage that deter-
    mines life-chance opportunities.

    In sum, implementing an at-will system will likely erode decades of socioe-
    conomic gains made by African Americans. This possibility should merit the
    attention of policy makers when weighing the positive and negative conse-
    quences of implementing an at-will system of employment. Few concerns
    should be considered more fundamental in determining whether adopting at-
    will employment in the public sector is appropriate public policy.


    1. Under certain circumstances, discretion can benefit racial/ethnic minorities. For
    example, in situations in which patronage produces co-racial/ethnic minority group deci-
    sion makers, the dynamics of discrimination outlined here are less salient, and minorities
    can benefit. Nevertheless, the continuing underrepresentation of minorities at both state
    and federal levels in decision-making positions continues to make minorities the victims,
    rather than the beneficiaries, of discretion.


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    Learning from Diversity: A Theoretical Exploration 529

    Erica Gabrielle Foldy
    New York University

    Learning from Diversity: A Theoretical Exploration

    Public-sector organizations tend to be more racially and ethnically diverse than private-sector
    organizations, leading to the challenge of enhancing heterogeneous work group effectiveness.
    Recent work suggests that a group’s “diversity perspective,” or set of beliefs about the role of
    cultural diversity, moderates diverse group performance. One perspective, the integration and
    learning perspective, argues that heterogeneous groups function better when they believe that
    cultural identities can be tapped as sources of new ideas and experiences about work. However,
    simply holding the integration and learning perspective may not be sufficient. Research on general
    group learning has shown that it requires particular behaviors and cognitive frames. This article
    integrates recent work on diversity perspectives with long-standing research on team learning to
    propose a conceptual model of learning in culturally diverse groups. It suggests that both the
    integration and learning perspective and more generic learning frames and skills must be present.

    Thinking and talking about diversity is ubiquitous in
    today’s organizations. While “diversity” may refer to many
    kinds of heterogeneity, one of the most challenging dimen-
    sions for many workplaces is cultural diversity, including
    racial and ethnic background (Williams and O’Reilly 1998).
    While organizations face a variety of difficulties related to
    managing cultural diversity, these challenges vary, to some
    extent, by sector. Public-sector organizations tend to have
    more diverse employee populations than organizations in
    the private sector, suggesting they have been more suc-
    cessful in recruiting employees of color, though often not
    in promoting them to higher levels (Riccucci 2002; Corn-
    well and Kellough 1994). However, their very success in
    diversifying their workforces poses a new challenge: How
    can public organizations ensure that heterogeneous em-
    ployees work well together?

    This is a pressing question, especially given the ration-
    ales for broadening diversity in the public sector. Ospina
    (2001), for example, suggests two main reasons. First, cul-
    tural diversity enhances organizational performance by con-
    tributing to functional diversity, which, in turn, increases
    the prevalence of alternative perspectives and new ideas.
    Second, it enhances organizational legitimacy by creating
    an employee population that roughly mirrors the popula-
    tion it serves.

    Erica Gabrielle Foldy is an assistant professor of public and nonprofit man-
    agement at the Wagner School of Public Service at New York University. Her
    research interests include identity and diversity in organizations, organiza-
    tional learning and reflective practice, and the interaction of individual, or-
    ganizational, and social change. She has published articles in several jour-
    nals and edited volumes and co-edited the Reader in Gender, Work, and
    Organization (Blackwell, 2003). E-mail: Erica.foldy@nyu.edu.

    Articles from the Seventh National Public Management Research Conference

    In 1991, an interdisciplinary group of scholars interested in management and organizations convened the first biannual National Public
    Management Research Conference. The conference was held at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University.
    (Subsequent conferences were held at the University of Wisconsin, the University of Kansas, the University of Georgia, Texas A&M University
    and Indiana University–Bloomington). The Georgetown Public Policy Institute at Georgetown University hosted the seventh conference October
    9–11, 2003. Public Administration Review agreed to publish articles from the conference. We would like to thank Professor William Gormley and
    his colleagues for their warm and generous hospitality.

    Articles from the conference are published in two installments, the first of which is included in this issue. The second installment will appear
    in the November/December issue. We have selected articles that reflect the range and diversity of papers presented at the conference. Consistent
    with PAR publication policy, all articles were evaluated by external reviewers. —LDT

    530 Public Administration Review • September/October 2004, Vol. 64, No. 5

    However, both rationales may be undermined if diverse
    groups don’t work together effectively. First, research has
    established that simply creating diversity through hiring
    does not automatically lead to enhanced organizational per-
    formance. Research shows that diverse groups can be both
    more creative and effective (Watson, Kumar, and Michael-
    son 1993; Cox, Lobel, and McLeod 1991), as well as more
    conflictual (Jehn, Northcraft, and Neale 1999; Tsui, Egan,
    and Xin 1995). If heterogeneous work groups experience
    increased conflict and miscommunication, this may actu-
    ally lead to diminished performance. Second, while an
    agency’s workforce may represent its service population,
    if it doesn’t work together effectively, it will provide less-
    than-optimal services, thereby undermining legitimacy
    rather than enhancing it. Therefore, public-sector organi-
    zations must go beyond creating diversity to consider how
    to reap its positive benefits.

    Some recent research focused on group diversity could
    provide a useful approach. Ely and Thomas propose the
    concept of “diversity perspectives” (Ely and Thomas
    2001; Thomas and Ely 1996). They argue that diverse
    groups who hold the perspective that cultural identity is
    a resource for learning and growth are more likely to learn
    from difference, resulting in higher performance. But the
    authors do not elaborate the components of this perspec-
    tive or how such a perspective leads to learning in cultur-
    ally diverse groups.

    Fortunately, the substantial literature on team or group
    learning offers a number of insights that could elaborate
    the concept of diversity perspectives and their contribution
    to learning (Edmondson 1999; Edmondson, Bohmer, and
    Pisano 2001; Argote, Gruenfeld, and Naquin 2001). This
    literature has made remarkable progress in delineating what
    enables group learning, including particular behaviors as
    well as frames or beliefs held by team members. Yet, this
    research has largely ignored the particular needs and dy-
    namics of culturally diverse work groups (exceptions in-
    clude Child and Rodrigues 2003; Taylor and Osland 2003;
    Gibson and Vermeulen 2003), despite the broad recogni-
    tion that such groups face both opportunities and challenges
    that homogeneous groups do not (Williams and O’Reilly
    1998; Shaw 1981; Shaw and Barrett-Power 1998).

    This article integrates insights from Ely and Thomas’s
    work on diversity perspectives with work on group learn-
    ing to explore the question: what enables learning in cul-
    turally diverse groups? This article proposes a model to
    answer this question. It begins by summarizing what we
    already know about group learning from the learning lit-
    erature. It then investigates culturally diverse groups, how
    they are different from homogeneous groups, and why
    perspectives about diversity affect their learning capacity.
    It then proposes and elaborates a model of learning in cul-
    turally diverse groups.

    Group Learning
    While scholars have identified factors at the organiza-

    tional, group, and individual levels that contribute to learn-
    ing (Dodgson 1993; Huber 1991; Levitt and March 1988),
    some argue that individuals are at the heart of group learn-
    ing. As Argyris and Schon point out, “We take individual
    practitioners as centrally important to organizational learn-
    ing, because it is their thinking and acting that influence
    the acquisition of capability for productive learning at the
    organizational level” (1996, xxii). Therefore, this article
    focuses on the beliefs and behaviors of team members
    which enhance team and organizational learning (Argyris,
    Putnam, and Smith 1985; Argyris and Schon 1996, 1974).

    Argyris and Schon distinguish between Model I behav-
    iors and Model II behaviors (Argyris and Schon 1974,
    1996). Model I behaviors, which are counterproductive to
    learning, include making untested attributions about oth-
    ers’ motivations and positions, not inquiring into others’
    views, and offering no opportunities to test one’s advoca-
    cies. Model II behaviors, which enhance learning, include
    suggesting ways to test one’s advocacies and attributions
    and inquiring into why others view things the way they do.
    Implicit in this work is the individual’s capacity to surface
    and reflect on his or her embedded assumptions or mental
    models (Rudolph, Taylor, and Foldy 2001; Ayas and Zeniuk
    2001). Table 1 compares Model I (low-learning) and Model
    II (high-learning) behaviors.

    Work from this approach also suggests that particular
    beliefs or frames, in addition to skills or behaviors, are
    essential to learning. Model II (high-learning) frames in-
    clude “errors are puzzles to be engaged” and “role of
    learner as agent,” rather than Model I (low-learning) frames
    such as “errors are crimes to be covered up” and “role of
    learner as recipient” (Argyris, Putnam, and Smith 1985,
    280) (table 2).

    Research on these generic learning behaviors and
    frames demonstrates they can be quite effective, but little
    work has explored whether these approaches are suffi-
    cient for learning to occur in culturally diverse groups.
    Research on diverse groups suggests they face different
    challenges and opportunities than homogeneous ones,
    raising the possibility that generic learning approaches
    may not be sufficient.

    Culturally Diverse Groups
    Cultural diversity refers to identities such as race,

    ethnicity, nationality, religion, gender, and other dimen-
    sions of difference derived from membership in groups that
    are socioculturally distinct, that is, they “collectively share
    certain norms, values or traditions that are different from
    those of other groups” (Cox 1994, 5–6). Members of the
    same cultural identity group often—though not always—

    Learning from Diversity: A Theoretical Exploration 531

    have similarities of background and experience that shape
    the way they see the world.

    Cultural identity groups also tend to be associated with
    power differentials, in that some groups have higher status
    and greater access to resources than other groups (Nkomo
    1992; Omi and Winant 1994; Ragins 1997; Ridgeway and
    Berger 1986). While this is a broad generalization, in West-
    ern countries men tend to have more power than women,
    whites generally have more resources than people of color,
    and so on. When power differentials are roughly contigu-
    ous with identity groups, this may reinforce the bound-
    aries among the groups, making their group identities more
    salient (Lau and Murnighan 1998). Group identity is no
    longer based solely on cultural similarity, but on a shared
    status or shared interests.

    Numerous studies have established that culturally di-
    verse work groups have different dynamics than homoge-
    neous groups (Williams and O’Reilly 1998). These groups

    are broadly seen as having both increased challenges and
    opportunities: Diverse groups often experience miscom-
    munication and disabling conflict (Tsui, Egan, and Xin
    1995; Shaw 1981), yet under the right circumstances, they
    can be synergistic and creative (McGrath 1984; Cox, Lobel,
    and McLeod 1991).

    The factors underlying these different dynamics are nu-
    merous and complex, but four reasons stand out. First, a
    long tradition of research has demonstrated that individu-
    als are generally more comfortable when they are sur-
    rounded by people they perceive as more like them
    (Schneider 1987; Tsui, Egan, and O’Reilly 1992; Kanter
    [1977]1993; Brief 1998). We look for familiarity and simi-
    larity; we are reassured when others think, talk, and act like
    we do. These simple personal preferences have profound
    consequences for organizations and for work groups. “So-
    cial similarity, whatever criteria it uses, acts as a mecha-
    nism of exclusion or inclusion …” (Ospina 1996a, 141).
    Groups include those who feel familiar or safe and exclude
    those who don’t. Kanter, among others, has elaborated the
    implications of “homosocial reproduction” for organiza-
    tional stratification (Kanter [1977]1993). Demographic
    groups with power—often white men—tend to stay in power
    because they choose others like themselves as colleagues.
    Therefore, individuals from demographic groups with less
    power—often people of color and white women—continue
    to be shut out from the highest levels of the organization.

    However, the powerful impulse toward similarity also
    has implications for group dynamics. It means that indi-
    viduals are inclined to seek groups made up of people like
    themselves. When individuals find themselves in diverse
    groups, despite their preferences, those groups are likely
    to feel less safe and less trusting. Less trust means that
    group members are less likely to give others the benefit of
    the doubt, leading to more conflict (Child and Rodrigues
    2003). Such groups feel less familiar, meaning that group
    members are more likely to feel strange or to perceive oth-
    ers as strange. That dynamic contributes to less trust, and
    often more conflict.

    Second, as suggested by the definition of cultural diver-
    sity, group members come with different life experiences
    that have shaped their values, approaches, and perspec-
    tives. Members of culturally diverse groups may be more
    likely than those of homogeneous groups to differ in how
    they define a problem, structure a discussion, view poten-
    tial solutions, or come to a decision. These differences of
    opinion represent a mother lode of creativity or a quag-
    mire of conflict, depending on how the group handles con-
    flict and differences (Chatman and Flynn 2001; Chatman
    et al. 1998; Jehn, Northcraft, and Neale 1999).

    Third, group membership is associated with differing
    representation within the group. Members of groups in the
    minority, whatever that means in a particular context, are

    Table 1 Comparison of Low-Learning (Model I) and
    High-Learning (Model II) Behaviors

    Low learning
    1. Make attributions about others

    without testing them.
    2. Advocate positions without

    illustrating them or suggesting
    a way to test them.

    3. Invoke abstract concepts that
    are impossible to disagree

    4. Construct a situation as a
    dilemma or double bind; feel

    5. Do not inquire into why you
    think, feel, or act the way you

    6. Do not inquire into why others
    think, feel, or act the way they

    High learning
    1. Make private attributions

    about others public; test them.
    2. Illustrate and suggest ways to

    test one’s advocacies.

    3. When invoking abstract
    concepts, try to make them
    concrete and testable.

    4. Make dilemmas public and

    5. Publicly reflect on why you
    are thinking, feeling, or
    acting as you are.

    6. Inquire into why others are
    thinking, feeling, or acting the
    way they are.

    Table 2 Comparison of Low-Learning (Model I) and
    High-Learning (Model II) Frames

    Low learning
    1. Mistakes are crimes to be

    2. My role as a participant is to

    be a recipient.
    3. I don’t have anything to learn

    from others in this group.
    4. If I don’t have a solution, I

    shouldn’t raise the problem.
    5. If I feel uncomfortable in this

    discussion, something must be

    6. If I speak up, I will be

    7. I don’t have any power or
    authority in this group, so I will
    be quiet.

    High learning
    1. Mistakes are puzzles to be

    2. I should be an engaged

    3. I don’t know everything.

    4. It is helpful to raise problems,
    even if I don’t have a solution.

    5. Feeling uncomfortable in a
    discussion can be a sign that
    this is exactly where I should be.

    6. I think I have something to
    contribute to the conversation,
    even though what I say may be

    7. I can make a contribution here
    even though I don’t have any
    formal power or authority.

    532 Public Administration Review • September/October 2004, Vol. 64, No. 5

    more aware of their identity and of being different from
    the norm (Ashforth and Mael 1989; Kanter [1977]1993).
    Depending on the dynamics of the group, they may feel
    less comfortable or less welcome. Members of majority
    groups, who share ways of thinking and acting, may un-
    wittingly create environments that make it difficult for oth-
    ers to feel included.

    Finally, diverse groups may also have different dynam-
    ics because of the power differences associated with cul-
    tural differences. The literature on group decision making
    and problem solving has demonstrated that more powerful
    members tend to talk more and have more influence on
    outcomes, contributing to less powerful members with-
    drawing and falling silent (Falk and Falk 1981). In cultur-
    ally diverse teams, members of dominant identity groups,
    such as whites, are often the more powerful members of
    such groups (Levin et al. 2002; Sidanius and Pratto 1999).
    Therefore, they may consciously or unconsciously act in
    ways that reinforce their dominance in their conversational
    styles, decision-making processes, social interaction, and
    so on (Ridgeway 1997; Smith-Lovin and Brody 1989;
    Elsass and Graves 1997). Like any less powerful group
    members, members of nondominant groups may also con-
    tribute to dysfunctional dynamics by withdrawing or by
    communicating largely with other members of their sub-
    group (Konrad 2003).

    All of these dynamics suggest that generic learning
    frames and behaviors may be harder to establish in cultur-
    ally diverse groups. On an individual level, learning means
    making oneself vulnerable; it means admitting that one is
    dependent on others to grow and develop (Brown and
    Starkey 2000). As others have amply demonstrated, this is
    difficult enough in homogeneous groups and even more
    difficult in heterogeneous groups. For example, making
    mistakes may carry greater weight in heterogeneous groups,
    which means that admitting them will be all the more dif-
    ficult. This is particularly true for members of nondominant
    groups, who often feel their capabilities are in question,
    and therefore they may feel under greater pressure to per-
    form (Steele 1997). Carrying the frame that mistakes are
    opportunities to learn rather than crimes to be punished is
    more difficult under these circumstances. Maintaining a
    stance of inquiry may also be more difficult for all indi-
    viduals in diverse groups. The concept of “threat-rigidity”
    (Staw, Sandelands, and Dutton 1981) suggests that we are
    less open and flexible when we feel threatened or unpro-
    tected in some way. Working with others who are different
    from us can feel unsafe or unfamiliar, as opposed to the
    sense of comfort and fit that comes from homogeneity. For
    that reason, group members may be more likely to rigidly
    advocate their own positions rather than inquire about those
    of others.

    Individual feelings of discomfort or threat create diffi-

    cult group-level dynamics. Heterogeneous groups are less
    likely to achieve a broad sense of psychological safety
    (Edmondson 1999). In some cases, the difficult dynamics
    associated with cultural diversity may cause most mem-
    bers of a team to feel generally unsafe, whether they are
    members of majority or minority, dominant or nondominant
    groups. If dynamics are characterized by a lot of conflict,
    mistrust, and paralysis, then it is less likely that anyone
    will feel safe. In other cases, majority or dominant mem-
    bers may feel safe, while those in the minority will not
    because they feel uncomfortable or unwelcome (Earley and
    Mosakowski 2000; Elsass and Graves 1997).

    If it is true that a learning stance is more difficult in
    diverse groups, then what could make the difference? What
    enables learning amid cultural diversity?

    Diversity Perspectives
    Recent research suggests that a group’s diversity per-

    spective is central to learning in culturally diverse groups.
    Ely and Thomas (2001; Thomas and Ely 1996) propose
    the idea of “diversity perspectives” as the key moderator
    of the relationship between diversity and performance.
    Diversity perspectives are a work group-level phenomenon;
    different work groups within the same organization can
    hold different perspectives. A diversity perspective is the
    way that group members think about the cultural differ-
    ences among them, whether they are important, and how
    they might be harnessed to further the group’s work.

    A diversity perspective includes “the rationale that
    guides people’s efforts to create and respond to cultural
    diversity in a work group; normative beliefs about the value
    of cultural identity at work; expectations about the kind of
    impact, if any, cultural differences can and should have on
    the group and its work; and beliefs about what constitutes
    progress toward the ideal multicultural work group” (Ely
    and Thomas 2001, 234.) Such a perspective might be writ-
    ten in mission statements or diversity policies, but more
    often such explicit statements refer to the work group’s
    espoused theory rather than the theory in use actually held
    by group members (Argyris and Schon 1996, 13). A group’s
    diversity perspective is the approach, usually implicit, un-
    derlying the way it defines its tasks and goals and how
    group members interact.

    Ely and Thomas (2001) identify three diversity perspec-
    tives. The discrimination and fairness perspective is con-
    cerned with the recruitment and retention of employees
    from protected groups. While its commitment to redress-
    ing past inequities is both essential and laudable, the per-
    spective presumes that cultural dimensions of diversity,
    such as race, nationality, or gender, don’t have important
    consequences for work practices, that nothing is to be
    gained by surfacing and engaging differences. The access

    Learning from Diversity: A Theoretical Exploration 533

    and legitimacy perspective challenges these notions to some
    extent. Organizations with this perspective celebrate cul-
    tural differences, but in simplistic and narrow ways. They
    are likely to bring in employees from nontraditional back-
    grounds to reach new clients and constituencies, such as
    hiring Hispanic employees to work in Spanish-speaking
    communities. There is little further investigation of the
    potential of diverse backgrounds and ideas.

    Finally, the integration and learning perspective seeks
    to build, more deeply and comprehensively, on the varied
    skills, experiences, and ways of thinking of a diverse
    workforce. It suggests that organizations should “incorpo-
    rate employees’ perspectives into the main work of the or-
    ganization and to enhance work by rethinking primary tasks
    and redefining markets, products, strategies, missions, busi-
    ness practices and even cultures” (Thomas and Ely 1996,
    85). Differences can be a source of growth, learning, and
    insight, but only if they are acknowledged and construc-
    tively explored.

    To understand learning in culturally diverse groups re-
    quires integrating previous research on group learning with
    the literature on diversity perspectives.

    Learning in Culturally Diverse Groups
    Figure 1 suggests a model for enabling learning in cul-

    turally diverse groups. In order to learn, groups must have
    the integration and learning perspective, whether it is held
    implicitly or explicitly. They also must have generic Model
    II learning frames and behaviors, as illustrated in the work
    of Argyris and colleagues, Edmondson, and others (Ed-
    mondson 1999; Argyris, Putnam, and Smith 1985; Argyris
    and Schon 1996; Fisher and Torbert 1995). The model sug-
    gests that a group’s diversity perspective and learning
    frames and behaviors influence each other, resulting in a
    set of learning frames and actions that is specifically re-
    lated to cultural diversity. These frames and behaviors then
    enable learning in culturally diverse groups.

    I will now explore each of these relationships in turn:
    How do diversity perspectives and learning frames and

    behaviors influence each other to create specific learning
    frames and behaviors, and how do those specific frames
    lead to learning in multicultural groups?

    Diversity Perspectives and Learning Frames
    and Behaviors

    The model suggests that a group’s diversity perspective
    and its learning frames and actions influence each other,
    creating an overall environment that affects learning. If a
    group has both the integration and learning perspective and
    reflective learning frames and behaviors, then each will
    “activate” the other—that is, each adds an ingredient that
    makes the other come alive in a given group setting. The
    integration and learning perspective enlarges and
    contextualizes a group’s learning beliefs and behaviors; it
    allows them to address the particular challenges of learn-
    ing in culturally diverse groups. Just as important, the
    group’s learning beliefs and actions enable the group to
    enact its perspective on diversity: They provide the tools
    by which a group can mutually investigate their differences.
    I will elaborate each of these claims in turn.

    The Integration and Learning Perspective Activates
    Generic Learning Frames and Behaviors. Why does this
    perspective activate learning in culturally diverse groups?
    Most importantly, and most simply, the integration and
    learning perspective is the only perspective that suggests
    cultural diversity is a source for learning, as indicated by
    its name. This approach contradicts the way that diversity
    is conceptualized in the other two perspectives.

    Both the discrimination and fairness and the access and
    legitimacy perspectives share a basic color-blind stance,
    though they manifest it a little differently (Ely and Tho-
    mas 2001). The discrimination and fairness perspective
    argues that, although people may look different physiologi-
    cally, in fact people are just people and we are all the same
    in what really matters: how we think and what we do.
    While emphasizing our common humanity is important,
    especially when dealing with explicit racism and ethno-
    centrism, refusing to acknowledge cultural differences
    glosses over the very different histories of cultural groups
    in this country. It diminishes the legacy of slavery for Af-
    rican Americans and the impact of immigration and as-
    similation on white ethnic groups such as Eastern Euro-
    peans and Italians. It ignores the ongoing differences in
    experiences among cultural groups: for example, the fact
    that people of color are much more likely to experience
    discrimination, or that being bilingual allows deeper par-
    ticipation in multiple cultures.

    Failure to acknowledge cultural differences also makes
    it impossible to consider how cultural background influ-
    ences our ideas and our contributions. It makes it difficult,
    for example, for an African American individual to con-
    sider that the way she approaches working with customers

    Figure 1 A Model of Learning in Culturally Diverse

    Learning in


    frames and

    Specific high-
    learning frames
    and behaviors
    related to cultural

    534 Public Administration Review • September/October 2004, Vol. 64, No. 5

    might in some way trace back to experiences she had feel-
    ing unwelcome in some stores. It means that explicitly ask-
    ing about group members’ religious backgrounds as part
    of revamping human resource practices would be consid-
    ered unseemly or irrelevant, even though religious prac-
    tices may be affected by such policies as the holidays the
    organization chooses to close.

    While the access and legitimacy perspective does sug-
    gest that cultural background matters, it limits it to very
    narrow spheres. It suggests that cultural background mat-
    ters only when members of a group are dealing with other
    members of their group: that the heritage of employees of
    Latino descent, for example, comes into play only when
    they have Hispanic customers. Members of nondominant
    groups have a special contribution only when dealing with
    other members of the same marginalized group. Therefore,
    it only makes sense to be aware of color within the group;
    color blindness is still the correct stance across groups.

    The alternative—the integration and learning perspec-
    tive—conjectures that our cultural heritage brings a valu-
    able set of experiences that are broadly applicable to the
    way the organization does its work. The integration and
    learning perspective is quite explicitly not color blind: It
    acknowledges that our group identity says a great deal about
    our and our ancestors’ life experiences and informs who
    we are. Regarding the impact of cultural identity on work,
    this perspective argues that race, ethnicity, nationality, and
    other differences are extremely valuable resources because
    they often, though certainly not always, imply a different
    set of perspectives and cultural teachings. The integration
    and learning perspective differs from much of the cultural
    sensitivity literature (Adler 1991) in that it does not pre-
    sume to know, given a person’s cultural identity, what those
    experiences or teachings might be. It simply assumes that
    different life experiences are likely to bring different ways
    of thinking about work, and leveraging those different ways
    of thinking is likely to enhance effectiveness.

    Learning Frames and Behaviors Activate the Integra-
    tion and Learning Perspective. While the integration and
    learning perspective is necessary to activate learning frames
    and behaviors, the reverse is also true. Without learning
    beliefs and actions, the integration and learning perspec-
    tive is simply an espoused perspective that will not mani-
    fest itself in the group’s work together. Learning beliefs
    and behaviors allow groups to undertake the difficult work
    of expressing and working with culturally based beliefs.
    Groups with the espoused integration and learning perspec-
    tive, but without a learning stance, might believe that cul-
    tural groups must be acknowledged and celebrated; that
    all groups have wisdom that can be tapped; and that creat-
    ing a multicultural rather than an assimilationist environ-
    ment is essential. However, they lack the learning tools
    necessary to create such an environment: capacities such

    Table 3 Low-Learning and High-Learning Frames
    Related to Culturally Diverse Groups

    Low learning
    1. If I say something about race, I

    may say something wrong or
    culturally insensitive.

    2. As a white person, I don’t have
    anything to add to discussions
    about race.

    3. As a person of color, I don’t
    have anything to learn from
    white people about race.

    4. Racial issues are insoluble and
    I will make things worse if I say

    5. Talking about race makes me
    uncomfortable, so I don’t think
    we should do it.

    6. People will think I’m too
    militant if I speak up.

    7. There are no blacks in
    positions of power in this
    organization, so it’s clear
    nobody cares what we think
    and we have no authority—so
    I won’t say anything.

    High learning
    1. I should say something, even if

    it might come off as prejudiced
    or racist, because it is an
    opportunity to learn.

    2. Even though I’m white, I have
    something to contribute to
    discussions about race.

    3. As a person of color, I could
    have something to learn from a
    white person about race.

    4. Even though this is a racial
    issue—with a lot of history and
    complexity and no obvious
    solution—it still might be helpful
    to raise it.

    5. Talking about race makes me
    uncomfortable—which could
    mean that is exactly what I
    should do.

    6. I think this could be a helpful
    contribution, even though I may
    be considered too militant for
    saying it.

    7. Even though there are no blacks
    in positions of power in this
    organization and I’m not
    convinced that anyone cares
    what we think, I will take the
    risk of speaking my mind.

    as being able to surface and reflect on one’s embedded
    assumptions or to hold genuine cu


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    Managing Ethnic Diversity: Meanings and Practices from an International


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    List of Tables vii
    Notes on Contributors ix

    1 the complexities of Ethnic Diversity 1
    Reza Hasmath

    2 can Multiculturalism Build trust? 11
    Patti Tamara Lenard

    3 More than a Marketing strategy:
    Multiculturalism and Meaningful Life 29
    Andrew M. Robinson

    4 the notion of Multiculturalism in canada and France:
    a Question of Different Understandings of Liberty,
    Equality and community 47
    Margaret Adsett

    5 immigration, race and the crisis of national identity in canada 65
    Suzanna Reiss

    6 The Identification, Settlement and Representation
    of Ethnic Minorities in Beijing 85
    Reza Hasmath

    7 comparing Ethno-Development Outcomes in toronto and taipei 103
    Reza Hasmath

    8 “cooling Out troublesome constituents”:
    the Politics of Managing “isms” in the antipodes 119
    Augie Fleras

    9 australian Multiculturalism: Beyond Management Models 141
    Toula Nicolacopoulos and George Vassilacopoulos

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    Managing Ethnic Diversityvi

    10 sold Out? the Understanding and Practice of Multiculturalism in the
    United Kingdom 163
    Rachel Marangozov

    11 squandered Opportunities:
    Explaining austria’s reticence to adopt Multicultural Policies 181
    Barbara Herzog-Punzenberger and Govind Rao

    12 Whereto for Multiculturalism? the german Debate
    on Leitkultur and the Promise of cultural studies 199
    Ming-Bao Yue

    13 a Gemütlich segregation:
    Multiculturalism and the iceman’s curse in italy 221
    Stefano Fait

    Index 237

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    List of tables

    1.1 Ethnic Categorization and First Generation Classification 3
    1.2 Population and Minority Demographics 5
    6.1 Ethnic Composition of Total Population in Beijing, 2000 93
    7.1 Ethnic Composition of Total Population in Toronto, 1971–2001 107
    7.2 Educational Attainment and Odds Ratio by Ethnic Population in

    toronto, ages 25–54, 2001 111
    7.3 Educational Attainment and Odds Ratio by Ethnic Population in Taipei

    city, 2007 112
    7.4 Occupation and Odds Ratio, and Mean Salary per Annum by Ethnic

    Population in toronto, ages 18–64, 2001 113
    7.5 Occupation and Odds Ratio (in parentheses), and Gross Income per

    annum by Ethnic Population in taipei city, 2007 114

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    chapter 1

    the complexities of Ethnic Diversity
    reza hasmath

    The complexities of ethnic diversity have caused much debate and ink to flow. At
    the onset, the concept of ethnicity lacks a clear theoretical framework and is often
    bemused by contradictory and limited empirical scope. In fact, the term ‘ethnic’
    itself is a contentious one refashioning new significance in the twentieth century.
    the term derived from the classical greek word ethnos, referring to ‘pagan’ or
    ‘heathen’, and was popularized by the New Testament appearing 167 times. In
    catholic Europe, the term ethnos was primarily used in this sense from the mid-
    fourteenth century until mid-/late-nineteenth century, when it gradually began to
    refer to ‘racial’ characteristics.1

    in the twentieth century, an understanding of ethnicity and ethnic groups
    has taken divergent paths. At one extreme, particularly in nations with a rich
    communist history such as russia, china and various Eastern European nations,
    ethnicity has been heavily influenced by a Soviet model which politicized and
    institutionalized the identification and categorization of ethnic minority groups.
    a natsionalnost or minority ‘nationality’ was officially characterized by the State
    following a “four commons” criterion: (1) a distinct language; (2) a recognized
    indigenous homeland and a common territory; (3) a common economic life; and,
    (4) a strong sense of identity and distinctive customs, ranging from dress, religion,
    foods. As discussed further in Chapter Six, this has resulted in 55 official ethnic
    minority groups being recognized in china, in spite of a potential pool of more
    than 400 ethnic minority groups. Operationally, this form of fixed identification
    essentially narrows the ability of the individual to define themselves outside the
    boundaries of State accepted ethnic group categories.

    A corollary of this idea is the classification of ethnicity by nation of birth,
    as practiced in Austria, France, Germany and Italy. An ethnic minority is thus
    born into a particular ethnic category based on national boundaries and is seen a
    member of that group for life. Further, given one’s ethnicity is bounded by national
    boundaries the relative freedom to classify one’s ethnicity by sub-national areas

    1 The term ‘race’ in the modern context has questionable descriptive and analytical
    value. While the term continues to appear in literature and discourse on ethnicity, there are
    two principal reasons why it may potentially be flawed to speak about ‘races’. First, there
    has always been interbreeding between human populations that it would be meaningless to
    talk of fixed boundaries between ‘races’. Second, as Cavalli-Sforza et al. (1994) argue, the
    distribution of hereditary physical traits does not follow clear delineations.

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    Managing Ethnic Diversity2

    (e.g. Scottish) or religious-oriented groups (e.g. Sikh) is subdued. For example,
    if a Kurdish person is born in turkey and migrates to austria after the age of
    six, they will subsequently be classified as Turkish rather than Kurdish for the
    remainder of their natural life.

    Finally, in classic post-World War two immigrant reception societies such
    as Canada and Australia, ‘ethnics’ initially evolved into a polite term referring
    to first-wave immigrants, from 1945 to the late 1960s – most prominently the
    Italians, Portuguese, Greeks – who were often considered ‘different’ on cultural
    grounds relative to the charter groups (non-aboriginal, non-British and in the
    case of Canada, non-French). By the second-wave of immigration from the late
    1960s to late 1990s, marked by changes in immigration policies that removed
    overt favour for family sponsorship and subsequent patterns of chain migration
    of Western European backgrounds, the ‘visible ethnic minority’ demographics
    increased steadily.2 Today, 9.2 percent of Australia’s population (the majority
    comprising of Asian ancestries) and 13.4 percent of Canada’s population (a mix
    of asian, Latin american and caribbean ancestries) are visible ethnic minorities,
    who have colloquial taken on the mantle of ‘ethnics’.

    Due partially to a legacy of recent mass-immigration, both canada and
    Australia practice self-identification of ethnicity. This is perhaps the most accepted
    normative form of identifying membership into an ethnic group as it provides the
    freedom of the individual to define him or herself.3 given our nominal repertoire
    of identities, individuals in this form of identification are able to choose the
    ethnic group category(-ies) that define them. Moreover, the advantages of self-
    identification versus a fixed style is evident for immigrant receptive societies – it
    encourages migrants to receive a strong message that they are welcome to their
    host nation; and to promote a multiculturalist tenet of pride in one’s ancestry, which
    has become a stronger part of prevailing multicultural ideologies as demonstrated
    throughout the chapters, self-identification based on people’s ancestries is
    promoted. In the process however, there is a risk of confusing ancestry with
    ethnicity, so that everyone’s ‘true’ ethnic identity is presumed to be rooted as a
    fixed concrete entity.

    2 in the canadian case, changes in immigration policy were timed with the
    formalization of multiculturalism policy. In 1966, a new immigration policy based on a
    points system involving factors including age and occupational qualification, replaced the
    older system which stressed sponsorship. Not coincidentally, only a year prior to changes in
    the immigration policy the canadian government commissioned the Preliminary Report of
    the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, which is commonly referred to
    as the first use of multiculturalism as a social policy for managing ethnic differences.

    3 No one is completely free to self-define his/her ethnic membership. Constraints
    may be imposed by numerous circumstances, family and genetic markers to name a few.
    The point nevertheless remains that within reason, self-identification of ethnicity provides a
    relative freedom to choose one’s ethnic membership both in a legal sense and in daily life.

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    The Complexities of Ethnic Diversity 3

    Definitions and Scope

    Suffice to say, ‘ethnic groups’ and ‘ethnicity’ have cogently become commonly
    used to the extent that most individuals using these terms find definitions
    unnecessary, political toiling and census reporting notwithstanding.4 as cohen
    (1978) insightfully pointed out – and still holds true today – the literature takes
    for granted that ‘ethnic groups’ and ‘ethnicity’ refer to a set of named groupings
    singled out by the researcher as ethnic units. Ethnic membership in these named
    groupings is thereafter shown to have an effect or correlation with one or more
    dependent variable(s). In this respect, ethnicity is used as a significant structural
    phenomenon, but this does not constitute a definition.

    in the most simplistic form, sociologists and anthropologists view ethnicity in
    two lights, which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. The first, as a primordial
    occurrence that is unchanging and universal, meaning certain ethnic traits can be
    ascribed at birth, for example one’s skin pigmentation (see note one for potential
    objections). The second understanding sees ethnicity as socially constructed, forged
    on the basis of a particular history. In other words, ethnic identity is achieved
    after birth, for instance, a member of an ethnic group may be identified by the
    language spoken (Fishman 1980); by ancestry – either by place of birth or the
    ancestors of the individuals forming the group (schermerhorn 1970); by religious
    affiliation (Goldman 2000); and more broadly, by cultural artefacts, i.e. foods,
    traditions.The majority of ethnic group identities are not based on ascribed traits,
    but rather on shared values, beliefs and concerns that are open to acquisition by
    social conditions. As a consequence, the characteristics that define ethnic groups
    may vary by context. For example, Thai may be considered an ethnic minority in

    4 When Isajiw (1974) examined sixty-five studies of ethnicity in sociology and
    anthropology he found only thirteen defined the term.

    Table 1.1 Ethnic Categorization and First Generation Classification

    Ethnic Categorization First Generation Classification
    australia Self-Identification Foreign born
    austria nation of Birth Foreign born, after age 6
    canada Self-Identification Foreign born, after age 4
    china Fixed Identification n/a
    France nation of Birth or

    Parents’ nation of Birth
    Foreign born, after age 5

    germany nation of Birth Foreign born, after age 6
    italy nation of Birth Foreign born
    new zealand Self-Identification Foreign born
    taiwan Fixed Identification n/a
    United Kingdom Self-Identification Foreign born, after age 6

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    Managing Ethnic Diversity4

    australia, yet in another context, in thailand, thai can constitute a combination of
    several ethnic groups in the south-east Asian nation.

    the concept of ethnicity can become so complex that Max Weber even
    suggested abandoning it altogether. Ironically, it is Weber’s definition of ethnic
    groups that became the standard bearer for generations of sociologists. He posited
    an ethnic group constitutes,

    those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent
    because of similarities of physical type or of customs, or of both, or because of
    memories of colonization or migration (Weber 1968, 389).

    For Weber, ethnicity is seen as a combination of common customs, language and
    values based on a sense of descent extending beyond kinship. He notes that the

    persistent effect of the old ways … continue as a source of native country
    sentiment among emigrants even when they have become so thoroughly adjusted
    to the new country (Weber 1997, 18).

    In anthropological terms, Barth (1969, 10–11) defines an ethnic group as
    a designated population that has four elements: (1) has a biologically self-
    perpetuating population; (2) shares fundamental cultural values and forms; (3) has
    a field of communication and interaction; and, (4) has a membership that identifies
    itself and is identified by others, as constituting a category different from other
    categories of the same order. Barth criticizes past anthropology for isolating the
    ethnic unit conceptually so that its cultural and social forms are seen as remote
    outcomes of local ecological adaptation, via a history of “adaptation by invention
    and selective borrowing”. In this line of thinking, this history has produced
    separate ‘peoples’, each with their own culture. To move beyond this conceptual
    reification of ethnic groups, Barth suggests using a general identity determined in
    large part by origin and background. Instead of assuming ethnic groups have fixed
    organizational characteristics, ethnic groups are thus scaled subjectively, utilizing
    modes of identification based on interactions between and among groups.

    From Group Characteristics to Social and Political Processes

    in large part, the work of Barth provided an impetus to shift the focus of studies
    on ethnic diversity from group characteristics to analyzing social and political
    processes. In this mode of thinking, ethnicity is seen as a particular social and
    political relationship between agents who consider themselves as being culturally
    distinctive from members of other groups. As Eriksen (2002) puts it, when cultural
    differences actively make a difference in interactions between members of groups,
    the social and political relationships have an ethnic element. In other words,

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    The Complexities of Ethnic Diversity 5

    ethnicity refers to aspects of both gain and loss in a burgeoning social and political

    in this spirit, innumerable theories of ethnicity have been developed serving
    varying analytical purposes, including primordialist theory (see geertz 1973; shils
    1957); modernization theory (see hettne 1996); neo-Marxist or a class approach
    to ethnicity – including class segmentation (see Reich et al. 1973); split-labor

    Table 1.2 Population and Minority Demographics

    Population Minority

    Largest Three
    Minority Groups


    australia* 20,544,064 9.2 %+ chinese
    3.37 %

    1.18 %

    0.92 %


    austria 8,199,783 9.8 % southern
    4.0 %

    1.6 %

    0.9 %


    canada* 29,639,035 13.4 %+ chinese
    3.7 %

    2.4 %

    1.1 %


    china 1,137,386,112 8.5 % zhuang
    1.3 %

    0.9 %

    0.8 %


    France 61,399,541

    ~ 16.0 % north
    ~ 7.0 %

    ~ 7.0 %

    ~ 2.0 %


    germany 82,220,000 9.0 %

    19.0 %

    2.1 %

    0.6 %

    6.7 %


    italy 58,802,902 5.0 % Other
    2.5 %

    1.5 %

    1.0 %



    4,143,279 29.4 %

    9.4 %


    13.7 %

    8.1 %

    6.4 %


    taiwan 22,858,872

    ~ 2.1 %^ hokkien
    ~ 70 %

    ~ 15 %

    ~ 13 %



    58,789,194 7.9 % african
    2.0 %

    1.8 %

    1.3 %


    * Largest visible ethnic minority groups
    + Excludes aboriginal and native groups
    # Official statistics not collected
    ^ Only the 13 aboriginal groups are officially classified as minority groups

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    Point: Rethinking Affirmative Action

    Author(s): Christina F. Jeffrey

    Source: Public Productivity & Management Review , Mar., 1997, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Mar.,
    1997), pp. 228-236

    Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

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    Rethinking Affirmative Action

    Kennesaw State University

    T his article will deal with affirmative action as practiced in late-20th-century United

    States. The topic is interesting because, in spite of the fact that this practice is contrary

    to federal law and to American traditions, affirmative action is now assumed by most

    governmental, academic, and big business elites to be an unqualified good.
    The most cursory review of founding and statutory authorities provides a wealth

    of documents that contradict the practice of affirmative action:

    1. The Declaration of Independence affirms equal natural rights for all.
    2. The 14th Amendment to the Constitution guarantees all persons equal protection of the

    3. Section 703(h) of Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as amended protects the civil

    rights of all Americans by making it unlawful “to give and to act upon the results of any
    professionally developed ability test provided that such test, its administration or action
    upon the results is not designed, intended or used to discriminate because of race”; or,
    in other words, exactly the kind of discrimination that many colleges and universities
    have practiced for years is illegal.

    4. Section 703(j) of the same Civil Rights Act also provides that nothing in the statute is
    to be interpreted to require preferential treatment for any individual or group on account
    of racial imbalance between the number of minorities in the workforce and the number
    in the local population. Or. in other words, quotas are illegal.

    I intend to draw on examples, the hallowed case-study approach so favored by
    teachers of public administration, but will also advance arguments thematically as
    well. I will begin at the micro level, with the effects of affirmative action on individuals,

    and move to the macro, with the effects on society as a whole.
    Making the case for affirmative action in the 1960s, when Jim Crow was in full

    reign, was easy. But public policy comes with unintended consequences, and today all
    women and minorities, despite efforts to avoid the pernicious effects of affirmative

    Author’s Note. I gratefully ackowledge the research assistance of Laurel Preler in the preparation of this
    article. I also wish to thank Dorothy Olshfski for her helpful remarks and the editors of the symposium for

    including me.

    Public Productivity & Management Review, Vol. 20 No. 3, March 1997 228-236
    ? 1997 Sage Publications, Inc.


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    action programs, and in spite of apparent gains, are actually being hurt. One of these

    consequences is the loss of personal reputation. Shelby Steele (1990) gives an excellent

    account of this phenomenon-that is, the negative effect that affirmative action

    programs have on the self-understanding of minorities who are “privileged” by it-in

    his controversial book The Content of Our Character.

    The Case of Clarence Thomas

    Clarence Thomas is the prototype of a man damaged by the unintended conse-

    quences of this system. Recall that President George Bush nominated him to replace

    the seat vacated by Justice Thurgood Marshall. Almost immediately, pundits began

    calling Thomas Bush’s affirmative action nominee. Thomas’s principled opposition

    to affirmative action was ridiculed for being hypocritical. Because affirmative action

    exists, Thomas was accused of benefiting from it. In other words, in some quarters he

    commanded no respect, even though he had quite an impressive record for such a

    young man.

    Critics declared that Clarence Thomas was not the best qualified man for the job.

    But George Bush had the foresight to realize that Thomas’s legal intellect and judicial

    potential were more important considerations than experience on the bench. (Our great

    first Chief Justice, John Marshall, had very little judicial experience.) Although some

    claim he did little his first year, he learned the job and is now exhibiting signs of

    becoming the preeminent conservative justice. Unless Bush had chosen Reagan’s

    failed nominee, Robert Bork, it is difficult to imagine how he could have found anyone

    more acceptable to conservatives. And Clarence Thomas’s recent opinions not only

    reflect the conservative views of the electorate who supported Bush but have even

    impressed some of his harshest critics.

    But to this day, Judge Thomas’s friends feel the need to defend him on the charge

    of benefitting from affirmative action. For example, on July 8, 1996, John Doggett,

    Thomas’s classmate from Yale Law School, wrote the following in The Washington


    The bad news is that Democrats will continue to demonize Clarence Thomas and other
    black conservatives in a desperate attempt to maintain political power. The good news is
    that we black conservatives will ultimately succeed in our war to liberate our people from
    the liberals’ plantation. (p. A19)

    The Case of Lani Guinier

    There are many examples of women being treated by the Washington establishment
    in a less than respectful manner, but Lani Guinier’s case stands out as particularly

    demeaning. A personal friend of President and Mrs. Clinton, she was nominated to be
    assistant attorney general for civil rights. That nomination ended in ruin, when Clinton,

    calling her “antidemocratic” before a national audience, withdrew her nomination. She

    told George magazine that she was “humiliated in sort of a grand style” (Burleigh,
    1995/1996, p. 253).

    The reason I wanted a hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee was the need I felt
    for an honest and forthright discussion of what the last 12 years of Civil Rights

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    230 PPMR / March 1997

    Enforcement has meant for the very real people that the Congress has intended to protect
    and empower. (Hernandez, 1994, p. 101)

    Her views on proportional representation caused her demise. Proportional repre-

    sentation is used in many democratic countries and, as early as John C. Calhoun

    (Jeffrey, 1995), has been proposed for this one. Although I oppose this form of

    affirmative action, a kind of electoral, guaranteed diversity, I believe that a vigorous

    debate on the subject would have been healthy. Instead, Ms. Guinier was humiliated

    in a “grand” way.

    The Case of Colin Powell

    In a recent “Dear Colleague” letter from Congressman Barney Frank (D-Mass.),

    Frank (1996) implies that Colin Powell benefited from affirmative action. The letter
    was written in opposition to the Canady-Dole Equal Opportunity Act of 1995 (H.R.

    2128), which does away with preferences and quotas, and clearly implies that Powell

    owes his success to affirmative action. But many people believe he rose through the

    ranks on his own merits in a system designed to promote the best. It is obviously

    harmful to General Powell and to society’s interest in fairness to imply that General

    Powell would not have made it without affirmative action, a charge that now means

    quota or preference. Certainly, the military insists that theirs is a strictly merit-based


    According to President Clinton’s own review of affirmative action, “the Pentagon

    tends not to use ‘diversity’ and rarely uses ‘affirmative action.’ ” The preferred term

    is “equal opportunity” (Affirmative Action Review, 1996, p. 4). Unfortunately, most
    affirmative action programs are not merit based but rather are quota and preference

    based. Such programs do not contribute to equal opportunity but instead seek equal

    results. If all affirmative action programs were merit based, then a Colin Powell or a

    Clarence Thomas, men of achievement and distinction, could enjoy the accolades that

    are rightfully theirs. As Harvard Professor Harvey Mansfield (1991) puts it, affirmative

    action deprives people of their pride-the one indispensable ingredient for personal
    satisfaction in one’s success.

    Affirmative Action and the Loss of Self-Esteem

    The founders of the American political regime believed in a moral universe and

    universal moral laws. Ours is a government designed to reflect that moral universe.
    The success of the civil rights movement is a good example of the fact that there is
    much sympathy in our society for moral truth and justice. It is that sympathy that makes

    the individual powerful in America. The Bill of Rights, absent a morally sympathetic
    majority, would be as worthless as the constitution of the now defunct Soviet Union.
    And morality combined with a system that reins in power empowers individuals. This
    is the message we used to teach our children, and the loss of this message, the
    replacement message that because you are a woman or a minority, you cannot make
    it in America without government help, is a very damaging message.

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    Contributing to the damaging message and betraying elite thinking is Rutgers

    President Frances Lawrence, who said that we must “deal with a disadvantaged

    population that doesn’t have the genetic hereditary background” to score well on the

    Scholastic Aptitude Test (“Riled at Rutgers,” 1995, p. A 14).

    Lawrence may have said it more boldly, but the underlying conclusion of Richard
    Hemstein and Charles Murray’s (1994) The Bell Curve is an implied acceptance of

    the inevitability of White superiority. Many affirmative action programs contain the
    same flaw at their core-that is, the basic premise that Blacks as a class cannot succeed

    in an equal opportunity society. The argument is that they have been too wounded,

    have been oppressed too long, and are too far behind to catch up in only a generation

    or two.

    The biggest problem with this argument, that Blacks cannot succeed, is the danger

    that it can become, although untrue, a self-fulfilling prophecy. Ajournalist friend sees

    that happening in his own family. Recently, he told of a trip home to Detroit where he

    found his young nephews, all bright eyed and eager but trapped in homes in which the
    adults call each other “nigger” as they sit drinking beer, smoking marijuana, and going

    nowhere. He said, “these are the boys who in 10 or 15 years will be stabbing you and
    me in the back.” He is angry because he sees his relatives acting in a way that actually
    reinforces the worst racial stereotypes.

    Contrast this with the story of Jaime Escalante, the mathematics teacher in an

    inner-city Los Angeles school who challenged his students to greatness and succeeded.
    As the story is dramatized in the movie Stand and Deliver, the wonderful potential
    that is latent and waiting to be tapped, the wonderful potential that. the journalist sees

    in his nephews, justifies the kind of affirmative equal opportunity that many expected

    with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Similarly, a young woman of Native
    American descent, who had gone to high school on the reservation, when offered a
    minority scholarship to college turned it down because it was not merit based.
    Eventually, she got that merit scholarship. Her principles may have cost her some time
    and some money, but her self-esteem benefited (W. B. Allen [chairman of the U.S.
    Commision on Civil Rights], personal communication, February 11, 1996). Stories
    like these are not uncommon.

    What Is Equality?

    What does equality require? Does it require quotas and timetables? Or is equal
    opportunity enough? In Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocqueville (1966) dis-
    cusses these two differing views of equality and concludes that an insistence on
    equality of results will lead, inevitably, to tyranny because that kind of equality saps
    liberty. He also points out that an equal opportunity society puts obstacles in the way
    of everyone. Thus even the children of the wealthy have a disadvantage: Their privilege
    makes them softer than their poorer competitors. What is important for success in
    America, according to Tocqueville, is a “manly passion [for excellence] which rouses
    in all men a desire to be strong and respected. This passion tends to elevate the little
    man to the rank of the great” (p. 57).

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    232 PPMR / March 1997

    Equality of opportunity is consistent with the Declaration of Independence. The

    phrase “all men are created equal” is a frontal attack on the principle of privilege. In

    place of privilege, the founders envisioned a society of merit. As the author of the

    Declaration himself put it in a letter to John Adams (1813):

    For I agree with you that there is a natural aristocracy among men. The grounds of this
    are virtue and talents…. The natural aristocracy I consider as the most precious gift of
    nature…. May we not even say that that form of government is the best which provides
    the most effectually for a pure selection of these natural aristoi in the offices of
    government? (Cappon, 1959, p. 388)

    Now, what does this mean? It means that you can come from the “wrong” side of

    the tracks and not face legal discrimination. It does not mean you cannot face other

    kinds of discrimination-because a free society must allow for advancement on merit.

    The whole argument of natural rights on which the Declaration is based rests on merit.

    If one does not believe in natural rights as the basis for government, then one is left

    with raw power, the power of whatever privileged class is in control. The exchange of

    natural rights for pure power is a bad bargain for women and minorities.

    Affirmative action is an issue that is bubbling in the electorate because it is now

    perceived as unfair by men and women, Black and White alike. And because affirm-

    ative action as it is now practiced is at odds with the principles of the Declaration of

    Independence as well as the 14th Amendment and the Civil Rights Act, it will not long

    be accepted by ordinary Americans. No matter how hard politicians run from it, this

    issue is not going away. The Declaration of Independence, for example, does not say

    that because of past discrimination some are more equal than others. It does not say

    that for some the pursuit of happiness needs to be constrained because of past

    privileges; no, it insists, boldly, that here in America, we are all equal under the law.

    The mainstream civil rights movement that culminated in the Civil Rights Act of

    1964 was a fundamentally democratic movement. It called on Americans to live up to

    the principles of the Declaration of Independence. But almost immediately after

    passing a law that forbade discrimination, quotas, and preferences, the Equal Employ-

    ment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) proceeded to “encourage” race-based prefer-

    ences, quotas, and reverse discrimination. The courts upheld the EEOC as following
    the logical intent of the law. The problem with this is the basic assumption that Blacks

    could not make it in an equal opportunity world. The principle of equal opportunity
    was never even tried.

    How Equal Opportunity Became the Search for Equal Results

    The movement toward results-based affirmative action law was predictable. Begin-
    ning in 1961, the Kennedy administration pursued a policy of race-conscious affirm-

    ative action, pressuring government contractors to hire members of favored minority
    groups. Until 1965, this pressure was moderate. After 1965 pressure became so strong
    that it basically amounted to coercion. Not everyone supporting the civil rights
    movement shared Martin Luther King’s dream of a color-blind society, and the
    Kennedy administration and later administrations actually rejected this view in their

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    policies. One spokesman for the new view expressed it this way to a congressional

    committee in 1961:

    I am sick and tired of people saying they are color-blind so they do not have to give up
    any information … I think the time has come where the problem is so great that being
    color-blind for an official of government is no longer a virtue. What we need to be is
    positively color conscious and go to work on this job of color and know what we are
    doing. (Belz, 1991, p. 20)

    But after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, even a sloppy reading of Title VII had

    to be interpreted as forbidding race-based programs, and so the Comptroller General

    Elmer B. Staats issued an opinion that the government’s contracting regulations, the

    so-called Philadelphia Plan, were in violation of the Civil Rights Act. This plan

    embraced the new vision of affirmative action, one that was directed at helping

    minorities achieve what they would have achieved if there had never been discrimi-

    nation. It advocated the disparate impact concept, which demanded race-conscious

    affirmative action and the removal of standards and job qualifications that had a

    disproportionately negative effect on protected minorities. Begun in the Department

    of Labor, the program required contractors to develop specific goals for hiring
    minorities (Belz, 1991, pp. 30-48).

    The Nixon administration insisted that there was no intention to cause discrimina-

    tion against any qualified individual because of race. Instead, they argued, they were

    permitted to go beyond Title VII to fulfill the spirit of the law. They plainly made a
    political decision, contrary to congressional mandates, that the color-blind, equal

    opportunity principle would be insufficient to secure civil rights and achieve racial

    equality. Congressional efforts to eliminate the Philadelphia Plan subsequently failed

    (Belz, 1991, pp. 36-41).

    Fraud, Cronyism, and Abuse

    It should not go unremarked that at least some of the support for affirmative action

    by the various presidential administrations, Republican and Democratic, was a desire

    to have pots of money to reward loyal political supporters. This is called political pork,

    and it is the same on the local, state, and federal level whenever taxpayer money is
    used for cronyism and favoritism (Belz, 1991).

    Fraud is a big problem because it cannot be prosecuted. To do so, the courts would

    have to define the term minority. This has not been done and is not something any
    American court is likely to do because to do so would be to cross the line into

    definitions of racial purity a la the old segregation and even the Nuremberg Laws. Law
    Professor Christo Lassiter (1996) says more is involved:

    Government programs stemming from liberal compassion are not tailored to minimize
    fraud…. It is hard to credit this happenstance as sloppy thinking, since it is repeated ad
    infinitwn…. One need look no further than the cases which came before the Court in
    the 1994-95 term, to see examples of liberal programs designed without a care to
    minimize fraud. (p. 444)

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    234 PPMR / March 1997

    The Prior Tire Case in Atlanta, Georgia

    The minority set-aside program of Richmond, Virginia, was successfully chal-

    lenged in the Supreme Court case of City of Richmond v. Croson (1989). Congress

    then passed the Civil Rights Restoration Act designed to protect minority set-aside
    programs. Nevertheless, a similar case to Croson is being brought by Leon Goldstein,

    president of Prior Tire Company in Atlanta. He is challenging an affirmative action

    policy of the city of Atlanta’s school board that allows the board to subtract 15% from

    minority bids. The winning contractor is then paid according to his original bid.

    Without a challenge to this unfair practice, Prior Tire would be frozen out of doing

    business with the school board, but more important to Mr. Goldstein, once competitive

    companies like Prior drop out, costs inevitably rise. This is money going to contractors

    in the form of unearned profits, money, he says, that could go to teachers’ salaries or

    Mr. Goldstein’s business was founded by his father, Abe Goldstein. It can survive
    without government contracts, but the Goldsteins are activists. Abe Goldstein was a

    prominent civil rights advocate. His original program to hire minorities was well

    known, and today the Anti-Defamation League gives an annual award for human rights

    named after Abe Goldstein. Mr. Goldstein says he will take his case all the way to the

    Supreme Court because of the human rights principle involved-that is, equality
    before the law.

    Prior Tire’s self-imposed affirmative action program actually worked and actually

    benefited those individuals who had been damaged by segregation, real working
    people. There is little evidence Atlanta’s set-aside program works., and in fact, there

    are serious questions associated with these kinds of state and federal programs,

    questions of fraud and abuse.1

    Future Trends in Affirmative Action

    Signs of future changes to come include the recent Supreme Court decision of

    Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena (1995) and the California Civil Rights Initiative
    (CCRI). The ruling of Adarand now subjects all federal affirmative action programs
    to strict scrutiny by the courts and mandates that they be narrowly tailored to pass

    judicial muster. As a direct result of Adarand the Department of Justice has initiated
    a review of all federal affirmative action programs. It is conducting this review to verify

    that each program meets the new requirements issued by Adarand. The president has

    conducted his own review of federal affirmative action programs.

    The CCRI, which calls for an end to all race- and gender-based affirmative action
    programs, is on the ballot in the state of California. If the CCRI passes, it may well
    ignite the move in Congress to pass a law, similar to CCRI, Canady-Dole, which was
    introduced in the 104th Congress (H.R. 2128). Furthermore, laws pending in other
    states, such as in Georgia and Texas, are gaining support. Unequal treatment appears
    to be ending.

    What can be put in the place of affirmative action? This is the question that
    Congressman J. C. Watts and his Minority Issues Taskforce in the U.S. House are
    trying to answer. Their solution is various training and empowerment programs aimed

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    at the inner city. This cannot be a substitute for eliminating discrimination. Just as
    modem affirmative action is contrary to the Declaration of Independence, so also is

    discrimination. Illegal discrimination should be seriously and resolutely opposed and


    The problem with group rights as opposed to individual rights can be seen through
    representation. When one represents a group, one represents the passions and interests

    of the group. On the other hand, representing a wide assortment of individuals requires

    a search for a common good that transcends any one faction.2 When interest-group
    spokesmen speak for their groups, they inevitably flatter the passions of the group and

    become demagogues. Statesmen, on the other hand, must plead for reason and call on
    their supporters to understand the need to promote a common good. As James Madison
    makes clear in Federalist 10 and 51 (Cooke, 1961), a nation of factions cannot be
    unified on any other basis than the common good. The affirmative action society, if
    allowed to persist, could lead us further down the road to balkanization, schism, and
    eventually civil war, the object of which would be, this time, not liberating slaves but
    enslaving freemen. This would be the cost of turning the principles of the Declaration

    of Independence on their head.3
    Thus it is imperative that Americans of good will, Democrats and Republicans,

    liberals and conservatives, put their minds to solving this problem, a problem created
    by slavery but perpetuated by government policies like Jim Crow and modern
    affirmative action. If we keep our eyes on the principles of the Declaration, it may be
    possible to find solutions that guarantee the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
    happiness for all, regardless of race, gender, or ethnicity.


    1. Research on Prior lire was conducted at the offices of the Southeastem Legal Foundation, which is
    handling Mr. Goldstein’s case. I also had a chance to interview Mr. Goldstein on the telephone, on January

    25, 1996, and in person, on January 26, 1996, when he attended the first reading of this paper at an academic

    forum at Kennesaw State College.
    2. For a good, general discussion of what he calls the problems of tribalism created by the current

    approach to affirmative action, see Lassiter (1996).
    3. For a discussion of the problems associated with celebrating diversity over unity, see especially

    Schlesinger (1990).


    Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 115 S. Ct. 2097 (1995).
    Affirmative action review: Report to the president. (1996). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing


    Belz, H. (1991). Equality transformed: A quarter-century of affirmative action. New Brunswick, NJ:

    Burleigh, N. (1995, December/1996, January). Was it worth it? George, pp. 252-253.
    Cappon, L. J. (Ed.). (1959). The Adams-Jefferson Letters. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
    City of Richmond v. Croson, 488 U.S. 469 (1989).

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    236 PPMR / March 1997

    Cooke, J. E. (1961). The Federalist. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.

    Doggett, J. (1996, July 8). Justice Thomas and Black opinion. The Washington 7imes, p. A19.

    Frank, B. (1996, January 23). Dear colleague letter. (The Honorable Barney Frank, 2210 Rayburn House
    Office Bldg., Washington, DC 20515)

    Hernandez, G. H. (1994, April 23). “Gotcha Journalism” takes no prisioners. Editor and Publisher

    Magazine, pp. 100-102.

    Hernstein, R., & Murray, C. (1994). The bell curve: Intelligence and class structure in American life. New

    York: Free Press.

    Jeffrey, R. (1995). John C. Calhoun’s critique of American constitutionalism: The original argument for

    multicultural democracy. Unpublished manuscript.
    Lassiter, C. (1996). The new race cases and the politics of public policy. The Journal of Law & Politics, 12,


    Mansfield, H. C. (1991). America’s constitutional soul. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

    Riled at Rutgers. (1995, February 13). The Wall Street Journal, p. A14.

    Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1990). The disuniting of America: Reflections on a multicultural society. New

    York: W. W. Norton.

    Steele, S. (1990). The content of our character. New York: St. Martin’s.

    Tocqueville, A. de. (1966). Democracy in America (J. P. Mayer, Ed., G. Lawrence, Trans.). New York:

    Harper & Row.

    Christina F. Jeffrey is an associate professor of political science and public administra-
    tion at Kennesaw State University and is the immediate past president of the Georgia

    chapter of the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) and a member of

    ASPA’s Policy Issues Committee. She holds M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University

    of Alabama in Tuscaloosa.

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    • Contents
      • p. 228
      • p. 229
      • p. 230
      • p. 231
      • p. 232
      • p. 233
      • p. 234
      • p. 235
      • p. 236
    • Issue Table of Contents
      • Public Productivity &amp; Management Review, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Mar., 1997) pp. 221-348
        • Front Matter
        • Abstracts [pp. 221-223]
        • Featured Topic: Productivity and Affirmative Action
          • Productivity and Affirmative Action: [Introduction] [pp. 224-227]
          • Point: Rethinking Affirmative Action [pp. 228-236]
          • Counterpoint: By Thine Own Voice, Shall Thou Be Known [pp. 237-242]
          • Racism, Community, and Democracy: The Ethics of Affirmative Action [pp. 243-257]
          • Affirmative Action and Economics: A Framework for Analysis [pp. 258-271]
          • Looking like America: The Continuing Importance of Affirmative Action in Federal Employment [pp. 272-287]
          • Government Reinvention and Affirmative Action: Implications for Women and Minorities [pp. 288-294]
          • Sex, Race, and Affirmative Action: An Uneasy Allia


    Counterpoint: By Thine Own Voice, Shall Thou Be Known
    Author(s): Mary E. Guy
    Source: Public Productivity & Management Review, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Mar., 1997), pp. 237-242
    Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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    By Thine Own Voice, Shall Thou Be Known

    University of Alabama at Birmingham

    T his point/counterpoint exchange highlights two different ways to discuss affirm-

    ative action. Professor Jeffrey prefers to focus on theory and to treat the exception as

    if it were the rule. I see little merit in philosophical arguments about how many fairies

    fit on the head of a pin, or for revisionist historians’ clairvoyance that the founding

    fathers’ exclusion of women from the Constitution and treatment of African American

    men as only partial wholes was, in fact, some sort of an inclusion.

    I am a pragmatist and believe that the proof is in output. I believe that, although we

    must be aware of history to understand our present and prepare for our future, we must

    not let ourselves be mired in yesterday while trying to solve tomorrow’s challenges.

    In terms of employment-related questions, I believe that merit is a subjective term that
    must be redefined for each context within which it is applied. Put simply, I shall start

    this counterpoint where many of my writings close-at the point where I emphasize
    that productivity is a people issue; that form must follow function; that trying to make

    today’s and tomorrow’s employment practices fit those of generations ago is fantasy.
    Put simply, affirmative action means making room at the table for those who are

    otherwise squeezed out. This means that those who have been sitting comfortably at

    the table with plenty of elbow room must scoot over and give up some of their space
    to accommodate the newcomers. People tend not to like to give up something that has

    been comfortable, whether it is elbow room at a dinner table or promotion to a higher

    The Frailty of the Labor Marketplace

    The American method of workplace competition is a clever means for motivating

    employees to be as focused on the organization’s goals as possible and for motivating

    employers to hire and promote the most productive workers. The system is supposed

    to work this way: For employees, those who are more productive are supposed to
    achieve more: more promotions, more money, more power, more status, more auton-

    omy-more of whatever inducements an employer has to offer; for employers, those
    who offer the best opportunities, benefits, and work environment are supposed to get

    the best workers (Guy, 1993). In this, as in other aspects of the economy, what works

    Public Productivity & Management Review, Vol. 20 No. 3, March 1997 237-242

    ?: 1997 Sage Publications, Inc.


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    238 PPMR / March 1997

    well in theory sometimes falls short in reality. When market failure results, it is then

    appropriate for government to intervene and provide a correction.

    In fact, for those who believe that there should be equal opportunity for all

    Americans, regardless of gender or race, a market failure does exist. The incentive

    system that is supposed to motivate all workers advantages men over women and

    Whites over minorities. This results in lesser degrees of economic opportunity for

    those in the disadvantaged groups and the underutilization of a major segment of every

    agency’s human resources. So comes the formal notion of affirmative action-a logical

    outgrowth of the persistent tension created by a capitalist economy operating

    within a democracy that prides itself on individual equality, freedoms, and eco-

    nomic opportunity.

    The Notion of Affinnative Action

    Affirmative action is nothing more than a means to override our basic proclivity to

    hire and promote those who are like ourselves. Historically, workplace policies

    developed on the assumption that all workers are (a) White males (or those who act

    like White males) who (b) are married to (c) wives who stay home and take care of

    the family; (d) women who work do so to supplement the husband’s income and,

    therefore, do not need wages as high as those of males; moreover, (e) higher paying,

    more powerful jobs are simply not suited for others (when others refers to those who

    do not look like or act like White males). This conflation of economic privilege, gender,

    race, and lifestyle is in a state of transition as the 20th century draws to a close.

    Even though employers talk of “personnel” in neutral terms, the women and men

    of the workforce are anything but gender neutral or race neutral. Societal expectations

    of people’s roles, including notions about gender, race, ethnicity, class, and age, are
    reflected in workplace practices. As changes occur in societal norms, they also occur

    in the workplace-accompanied by pushing and shoving. Issues, laws, court cases,

    and point/counterpoint debates such as this trace these changes and the tensions they

    In spite of 30 years of affirmative action guidelines and rhetoric, it is practiced far

    less than it is preached. A quick look at the numbers will guide a reasoned debate more

    effectively than an enumeration of principles developed in isolation from fact. In terms

    of gender, most women of working age are in the workforce and rely on their incomes,

    just as men do, to support their families. In fact, each successive cohort of women
    from 1886 forward has joined the labor force in greater numbers and with greater

    persistence. Well over 65% of women born between 1956 and 1965 and almost 65%
    of women born between 1946 and 1955 are currently in the labor force (Evans & Nelson,

    1989). From 1955 through 1985, 6 out of every 10 workers entering the labor force
    were female (Hutner, 1986).

    Workforce Demographics

    In terms of race, in 1992, 78% of the American workforce was White, 11% was
    Black, 8% was Hispanic, and 3% were Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians,
    and Alaska Natives. By the year 2005, changes will occur primarily among the gender

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    Table 1. Demographic Composition of the Workforce

    Asians, Pacific Islanders,
    White Black Hispanic American Indians,

    Year Women Men (Non-Hispanic) (Non-Hispanic) (all races) and Alaska Natives

    1992 46% 54% 78% 11% 8% 3%

    2005 48% 52% 73% 11% 11% 5%

    Source. “The American Work Force: 1992-2005,” 1993, Occupational Outlook Quarterly, 37(3), pp.
    10, 12, 13.

    composition of the workforce and the increase in Hispanic and Asian workers.

    Projections show that by the year 2005, 73% of the workforce will be White and
    non-Hispanic, 11% will be Black and non-Hispanic, 11% will be Hispanic (all races),

    and 5% will be Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and Alaska Natives. These

    numbers are reflected in Table 1.

    So, where’s the beef? There are no serious threats to the status quo. The traditionally

    advantaged group, White males, will continue to be the majority. Racial minorities

    will continue to be small in proportion to the majority. The small changes that are

    occurring have been in progress for some time but fail to shift the current numerical

    balance or the power imbalance. The change in the demographic composition of the
    workforce is small enough that probability is low that a traditionally advantaged

    worker will be replaced by a worker from a traditionally disadvantaged group. Then

    why the continuing attacks on affirmative action, an initiative that fails to perturb the

    power imbalance that has been in effect for over a century? Is it a reflection of a focus

    on form rather than function? On theory to the exclusion of reality? Or is it merely a

    last-gasp effort to retain the moorings set down by the landed gentry who designed a

    system that would advantage them, discount minorities, and ignore women?
    Opposition to affirmative action among White men surged to 67% in 1995 from

    44% in 1991. But when the same poll was repeated in 1996, opposition to it among

    White men had dropped to 52% (Kaufman, 1996; Naff, 1995). In fact, even the most
    vocal critics of affirmative action are beginning to open their eyes to see that the sky

    is not falling, the sun still rises in the east and sets in the west, and they still have a
    preferred place at the table. After the wailing of the past few years among those who

    oppose affirmative action, they have opened their eyes to see that their position of
    advantage has not materially changed.

    Legal Establishment of Affirmative Action

    Even with the full force of the law behind them, women and racial minorities still
    have a long way to go to gain economic parity in the workplace. Job protection

    legislation started with the Civil Rights Act of 1964. According to Title VII, employers
    may neither refuse to hire nor discharge any person on the basis of color, race, sex,

    national origin, or religion. Neither may employers discriminate with respect to
    compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment. Nor may they limit,

    segregate, or classify employees or applicants in any way that deprives them of
    employment opportunities or otherwise adversely affects their employment status. In

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    240 PPMR / March 1997

    1965, President Lyndon Johnson issued Executive Order 11246 requiring nondiscrimi-

    nation and positive action by federal contractors on behalf of minorities, including
    recruitment and training, employment, and upgrading. In 1967 he followed with
    Executive Order 11375, which extended similar protections to women. It is these two

    executive orders that formally began what has come to be called affirmative action.
    Although not directly related to gender, the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 called

    for a federal workforce that reflects the nation’s diversity. To that end, it effectively

    codified the push to diversify the federal workforce and make the bureaucracy
    representative of the population, both horizontally and vertically. With women and
    minorities severely underrepresented, this act served to heighten employers’ sensitiv-

    ity to their absence in civil service posts, especially at the middle and upper ranks.

    Affirmative action has had a significant impact, although it has fallen far short of

    original intentions. I hesitate to think how much slower progress would have been in

    the absence of any affirmative action consciousness. A chronological look at women’s

    advancement into top-level positions in federal agencies shows that since the begin-
    ning of affirmative action standards, women have made strides, from 2.1 % of top jobs

    in 1968 to as many as 17.2% in 1994 (Bayes, 1995). Keeton (1994) reports that in
    1992, 34.8% of federal managers at the GS 11 pay grade were women. This marked an
    increase from 9.5% in 1970. In terms of race, advances have been made as well.
    However, despite the presence of a growing acceptance of the rightness of affirmative

    action, women and minorities still face subtle race- and sex-based biases in employ-
    ment-related decision making (U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, 1996).

    Governing for Today, Not Yesterday

    Affirmative action is a response to the need to have a workforce that is repre-
    sentative of the citizenry and a workplace that truly provides equal’opportunity to all

    Americans. Put in place by executive order and boosted by the Civil Service Reform
    Act of 1978, affirmative action has helped to pry open doors. In most cases, quotas
    are irrelevant. Goals and timetables have been the measuring stick by which adherence
    has been assessed. Affirmative action means that special efforts should be made to
    recruit equally qualified job candidates from underrepresented groups.

    Why is affirmative action problematic for those who enjoy quoting from constitu-

    tional procedures? Are not congressional districts mapped in such a way to ensure
    representation of all groups? Perhaps it is just change that is frightening. When the
    U.S. military forces were integrated, critics wailed that it would destroy the esprit de
    corps among the troops. It did not. When Harvard Business School finally allowed
    women to enter in 1963, many claimed that it was a disastrous mistake. It was not.
    Now that the Citadel has opened its doors to women students, opponents claim that it
    will ruin the school. It will not. Curiously, the same cognitive approach to societal and

    economic change that caused opponents of the Equal Rights Amendment to oppose
    its passage in the 1970s is now being brought to bear against affirmative action in the

    Lest a discourse on American government and the Federalist papers take me too far
    astray from my response to Professor Jeffrey, I simply remind readers that the United

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    States has been able to breathe life into an otherwise antiquated document, the U.S.

    Constitution, by judiciously amending it and by interpreting it in the light of contem-

    porary times, rather than colonial times. We are most successful when we keep our

    feet firmly planted in the results of those interpretations, making modifications when

    necessary and leaving things well enough alone otherwise.

    Biting the Hand That Feeds

    Why this tempest in a teapot? What are the triggers that rally those who benefit

    from affrmnative action to bite the hand that feeds it? I have been quite successful in

    my career and I am fully cognizant of the fact who my best job opportunities would
    never have come my way were it not for affirmative action. As a woman, I have walked

    through several doors in my career that were closed to women who had applied prior

    to me. I suspect that Professor Jeffrey has been similarly advantaged by affirmative

    action. Whether he has the humility to acknowledge it or not, Clarence Thomas, a

    sitting Supreme Court justice, has also been the beneficiary of affirmative action at

    key points in his career. What causes people to be so shortsighted that they cannot

    appreciate the hand that feeds them? Why dredge up the exceptions, those few cases
    in which quotas have actually been applied, and use that to demean the intent of

    affirmative action?

    Everyone is part of a group, either by gender, by race, by religion, or by ethnicity.

    Our nation has moved beyond that point in time when judgments of that which is

    meritorious and/or qualified hinges on the standards and traditions of one group-
    White males. The past must give way to a multidimensional assessment of merit and

    qualification. For those who are afraid, fear not. This change is happening-slowly-
    and it will continue to evolve-slowly-amidst debates that reflect the tensions
    inherent in an economy that is accustomed to parceling out advantage.

    Affirmative action is about opening up opportunity and ensuring a level playing

    field. To argue that it dilutes quality is a failure to understand the practicality of

    affirmative action or to understand the true meaning of quality. In a perfect world there

    would be no need for affirmative action initiatives. The ultimate goal is for it to become

    so much of an accepted public good that employers will, in good faith, balance their
    workforces with no external prodding. This is no time to backtrack. We still have a

    way to go.


    Bayes, J. H. (1995, March). Evaluating the effectiveness of affirmative action policies in top federal
    administrative positions for women and minorities 1968-1994. Paper presented at the annual meeting
    of the Western Political Science Association, Portland, OR.

    Evans, S. M., & Nelson, B. J. (1989). Wage justice: Comparable worth and the paradox of technocratic
    reform. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Guy, Mary E. (1993). Workplaceproductivity and gender issues. PublicAdministration Review, 53, 279-282.

    Hutner, E C. (1986). Equal pay for comparable worth: The working woman’s issue of the eighties. New

    York: Praeger.

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    242 PPMR / March 1997

    Kaufman, J. (1996, September 5). White men shake off that losing feeling on affirmative action: Angst gives

    way to reality: Gains by women, Blacks don’t look so daunting. Wall Street Journal, pp. 1, A6.
    Keeton, K. B. (1994). Women’s access to federal civil service management positions: The issue of veterans’

    preference. Southeastern Political Review, 22(1), 37-49.

    Naff, K. C. (1995, March). The politics of representative bureaucracy. Paperpresented atthe annual meeting

    of the Westemn Political Science Association, Portland, OR.

    U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board. (1996). Fair & equitable treatment: A progress report on minority

    employment in the federal government. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

    Mary E. Guy is a professor in and the chair of the Department of Govemment and Public

    Service at the University ofAlabama at Birmingham. She currently serves as president-

    elect of the American Society for Public Administration. Her research interests include

    workforce diversity and public management.

    This content downloaded from on Wed, 09 Jun 2021 18:40:07 UTC
    All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

    • Contents
      • p. 237
      • p. 238
      • p. 239
      • p. 240
      • p. 241
      • p. 242
    • Issue Table of Contents
      • Public Productivity &amp; Management Review, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Mar., 1997) pp. 221-348
        • Front Matter
        • Abstracts [pp. 221-223]
        • Featured Topic: Productivity and Affirmative Action
          • Productivity and Affirmative Action: [Introduction] [pp. 224-227]
          • Point: Rethinking Affirmative Action [pp. 228-236]
          • Counterpoint: By Thine Own Voice, Shall Thou Be Known [pp. 237-242]
          • Racism, Community, and Democracy: The Ethics of Affirmative Action [pp. 243-257]
          • Affirmative Action and Economics: A Framework for Analysis [pp. 258-271]
          • Looking like America: The Continuing Importance of Affirmative Action in Federal Employment [pp. 272-287]
          • Government Reinvention and Affirmative Action: Implications for Women and Minorities [pp. 288-294]
          • Sex, Race, and Affirmative Action: An Uneasy Alliance [pp. 295-307]
        • Productivity in Review
          • On the Folly of Rewarding A, while Hoping for B: Measuring and Rewarding Agency Performance in Public-Sector Strategy [pp. 308-322]
          • Explaining Managerial Acceptance of Expert Systems [pp. 323-335]
        • Book Reviews
          • Leadership for the Public Interest [pp. 336-345]
          • Pragmatic Performance Improvement [pp. 345-348]
        • Back Matter


    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340949320

    Workplace Diversity: Emerging Issues in Contemporary Reviews

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    Workplace Diversity: Emerging Issues in Contemporary

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    Workplace Diversity: Emerging Issues in
    Contemporary Reviews

    1Tamunomiebi, Miebaka Dagogo PhD and 2John-Eke, Ebere

    1Department of Management, Faculty of Management Sciences, Rivers, State University,
    Nkpolu-Oroworukwo, PMB 5080, Port Harcourt, Nigeria, 2Doctoral Candidate Department of

    Management, Faculty of Management Sciences, Rivers State University, Nkpolu-Oroworukwo,
    PMB 5080, Port Harcourt, Nigeria.

    This paper is an examination of workplace diversity, especially the emerging issues in contemporary
    reviews. Considering the demographic differences of people in terms of age, gender, race, ethnicity,
    culture etc working in an organization that usually drive productivity and business performance; such
    a diversity or heterogeneous work organization is largely driven by globalization and liberalization of
    trade which allow productive factor inputs to move freely across nations. Workforce diversity is
    embedded with some attendant advantages such as the creation of a learning-work environment
    through collaboration and team participation, productivity and increased profit. It is pertinent to
    note that, there are some emerging issues in workforce diversity, which include multicultural task
    environment, existence of large talent pool used for creating and innovation, inter-functional
    coordination, complexity and discrimination at work. These issues are brought to bear through
    globalization, migration, aging population, outsourcing, women’s work etc. Organization should have
    a framework for workplace diversity management; optimally allocating resources to create a
    multicultural engaged workforce for productivity and excellent business performance.
    Keywords: Workplace Diversity, Discrimination, Globalization, Multicultural, Inter-functional, Team

    People are different. They vary in gender, culture, race, social, physical and psychological
    characteristics. However, our attitudes towards those differences can be negative or positive,
    depending upon individual perspectives and prejudices. Some characteristics are apparent and
    others are less obvious (Mavin and Girling, 2000). Greenberg (2004) defines diversity as the variety
    of differences between people in an organization including race, gender, ethnic group, age,
    personality, cognitive style, tenure, organizational function, education background and more.
    According to Fredman (2001), diversity is a recognizable source of creativity and innovation that can

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    provide a basis for competitive advantage. However, diversity can also be a cause of
    misunderstanding, suspicion and conflict in the workplace that can result in absenteeism, poor
    quality work, low morale and loss of competitiveness. Diversity should be weaved into the fabric of
    an organization in order to create a mindset in every manager and employee that will allow them to
    think consciously about treating one another fairly. Today’s labor force is highly diverse. If effectively
    managed, this diversity can provide the organization with a powerful competitive edge which
    stimulates creativity and infuses flexibility into the company (Beardwell & Claydon, 2007). Managing
    diversity is a concept that recognizes the benefits to be gained from differences. It differs from equal
    opportunity, which aims at legislating against discrimination, assumes that people should be
    assimilated into the organization and often relies on affirmative action. Globalization increasingly
    requires employers to hire minority members with the cultural and language skills to deal with
    diverse customers (Thomas, 1994).

    There are two different sets of issues concerning diversity, namely, the social justice case and the
    business case. According to Mulholland, Ozbilgin and Worman (2005), the social justice case is that
    managers have a moral obligation to treat employees with fairness and dignity. This involves ensuring
    that decisions are made without resorting to prejudice and stereotypes. If decisions are made free
    from prejudice and stereotyping, then there is a lower risk of any particular group being
    disadvantaged and therefore less chance of an individual feeling that he or she has been
    discriminated against. The business case is that fair treatment of employees is good for business
    because it is a better use of human resources, it leads to a wider customer base, it creates a wider
    pool of labor for recruitment and it leads to a positive company image. However, there may be
    instances when ‘good business sense’ provides the justification for not acting in the interest of
    particular groups. According to Torrington, Hall, & Stephen (2008) line managers often justify the
    decision not to employ disabled people on the grounds that the necessary workplace adjustments
    would eat into their operating budgets. They add that equality and diversity initiatives often have a
    cost associated with them, the recovery of which cannot always be easily measured and might only
    be realized in the long term.

    Scholars have asserted that most organizations operating in different sectors or industries of an
    economy are diversified, this position is supported by Stoner, Freeman & Gilbert (2013), when they
    posited that, the organization is made up of people with differences in age, gender, ethnicity, culture,
    nationalities etc. The workplace is diverse in terms of departments, divisions and subsidiaries
    domiciled in different locations or regions. These dimensions of diversities are as a result of
    globalization and liberalization of trade, making most organization or institutions as global businesses
    (Stoner et al., 2013). Hence, most global brands or multi-nationals are characterized with workplace
    diversity due to changes in the business environment; businesses are more global (Swinton, 2014).

    Workplace diversity or organizational diversity is the difference and similarity existing among
    employees in terms of age, gender, ethnicity, culture, religion, nationalities etc. It also encompasses
    the differences existing in firm’s departments, divisions and subsidiaries domiciled in different
    regions or nations. According to Dike (2013), workplace diversity can be defined as recognizing,
    understanding and accepting the individual differences irrespective of their race, gender, age, class,

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    ethnicity, physical ability, sexual orientation, spiritual practice etc. Literature has shown that there
    are two streams of diversity at work; the first stream or dimension include age, gender, sexual
    orientation etc, while the second stream or dimension includes religion, education, geographical
    location, income etc (Dike, 2013; Cletus, Mahmood, Umar & Ibrahim, 2018). It is important to note
    that workplace diversity is a holistic construct which denotes the differences that exist between
    people working within an organization. It explains the complex physical, sociological or psychological
    attributes such as gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, political beliefs that define an
    individual or group at work (Cletus et al.,2018).

    Workplace diversity has inherent advantages; it helps people to work in synergy. Scholars have
    viewed the diversity of workforce as strength and organizations can leverage on such strength. This
    includes talent pool, cross fertilization of knowledge and ideas utilized for productivity (Swinton,
    2014), this, creates knowledge based organizations, promotes creativity and improves decision
    making effectiveness and superior business performance, therefore culturally diverse talent pool at
    work contribute to innovation and creativity which drives productivity within the firms (Okoro &
    Washington, 2012).

    Most organizations adopt workplace diversity in order to gain competitive advantage by becoming
    more creative, adaptive and open to change in a dynamic and ever-changing competitive
    environment, hence, workplace diversity is important to organizational leaders due to the dynamics
    of the business environment. As stated by Marzuli, (2012) and Dike, (2013), managing diversity at
    work by top echelon management is still a challenge, management tend to learn the managerial
    competences needed in a multicultural working space and prepares themselves to teach others
    within their organizations to value differences in cultures and treat all workers with respect and
    dignity. Diversity management is a process intended by workplace leaders to create and maintain a
    positive working environment where the similarities and differences of employees are valued (Patrick
    & Kumar, 2012; Patrick, 2010; Ozbilgin & Tatli, 2014).

    Patrick & Kumar (2012), posited that diversity includes acceptance and respect; it helps to understand
    each employee’s unique difference which could be along the line of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual
    orientation, socio-economic status, age, physical abilities, religious and political beliefs or other
    ideologies. Managing diversity is laudable as it assists organizations to tap the creative, cultural and
    communicative potentials of a variety of workers and to use these skills to improve organization
    policies, products and customer experiences.

    Literature Review
    Workplace Diversity
    The 21st century business environment is highly dynamic and ever changing, these changes are largely
    due to globalization and liberalization of trade and business which has altered the face of business
    including the composition of employees in the workplace (Udin, Wahyudi & Wikaningrum, 2017).
    Hence, the belief that globalization and liberalization of trade has created a diverse workforce in most
    industries and sectors in terms of age, gender, race, ethnicity, profession, religion etc. Udin et al.,
    (2017), see workplace diversity as the difference that exist in an organization’s employee mix in terms

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    of age, gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, social class, education, national origin,
    language, skills and professions. Most scholars and researchers have compartmentalized diversity
    into blocks, usually four main fields which are, personality, internal characteristics of diversity,
    external characteristics of workplace and organizational characteristics of workplace diversity.
    Personality capture dimensions such as traits, skills and abilities, internal characteristics of diversity
    include sub-variables as gender, race, ethnicity, intelligence, and sexual orientation, the external
    characteristics of workplace diversity hinges on culture, nationality, religion, marital status or elderly
    and the organizational characteristics of workplace diversity talks about, position, department and
    union (Chitra & Chandra, 2017; Singal, 2014).

    The dimension of workplace diversity and their relative sub-variables are expected to promote
    multicultural work environment, promote productivity, professionalism and bring about enhanced
    organizational performance (Handayani, 2017). Diversity leads to synergy among the different skills
    and competences inherent in the organization, this tends to encourage collaborative work situation,
    drive productivity and lead to excellent business performance. Singal (2014), argued that workplace
    diversity is able to foster creativity and innovation in the firm which provide superior value for
    customers for competitive advantage and profit growth.

    Scholarly literature has shown that workplace diversity helped most organizations and institutions by
    driving positive success to the firm. However, the complexity of workplace diversity is part of the
    challenging issues of critical dimensions of firm management. Diversity enhances the critical thinking
    abilities, problem solving, employee knowledge and professional skills. Furthermore, it enables the
    enterprise to attract critical talents, improve organizational attractiveness and productivity. Diversity
    is hampered by organizational incivility and discrimination employees face (Cletus et al., 2018).
    Meting out this sort of treatment on employees can stifle morale, team building, profit growth and
    attractiveness of the workplace (John-Eke & Gabriel, 2019). The institution must deal with these
    challenges in order to exploit or capitalize on the gains of workplace diversity. The organization
    should build effective communication and team building at work, build a common community etc,
    this will drive acceptance, productivity and potential profit growth (Amaliyah, 2015; Dhuppar, 2015;
    Ashe & Nazroo, 2017).

    The growth in globalization has increased the multicultural nature of the workplace. As nations open
    up their economies for trade and commerce coupled with the spate of international diversification,
    which has led to an increase in the number of cultures, beliefs, races, ethnicity, background etc,
    associated with organizational members at work (Mazur, 2010). People in the workplace no longer
    live and work in an isolated marketplace environment. They are part of the worldwide economy with
    global competition from all parts of the continent. This globalization and its attendant global
    competition can be responded to by building diversity cultures by organizations. This will make the
    institutions more creative, open and responsive to change. It is therefore imperative for companies
    to maximize and capitalize on workplace diversity for greater gain and workplace success.

    Workplace diversity brings about a complex workforce that is reflective of a changing world and
    marketplace. In a multicultural, multi-talented and integrated workforce, the organization enjoys

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    consistently high value, through productivity and competitive advantages (Mazur, 2010). Thus,
    diversity management in the workplace benefits all organizational members through fair and safe
    environment where everyone has access to the same opportunities and challenges. Management
    tools in a diversified workforce should be used to educate all employees on diversity and its attendant
    issues, including laws and regulations. Today most institutions are made up of diversified cultures,
    talents/skills, sexual orientations, age, gender etc. Companies must adapt to this emerging workplace
    issues in order to succeed and earn above average returns.

    The study carried out by Choi and Rainey (2010) focused on the effects of diversity and diversity
    management on employee perceptions of organizational performance in U.S. federal agencies, they
    developed three measures: diversity, diversity management, and perceived organizational
    performance. They measured and analyzed levels of diversity of 67 federal agencies to ascertain
    diversity management affects the relationship between levels of diversity and perceptions of
    organizational performance. Based on the Central Personnel Data file and the 2004 Federal Human
    Capital Survey, findings suggest that racial diversity affects organizational performance negatively.
    Their study also showed that managerial efforts and other contextual factors such as organization
    culture, demographic characteristics of employees moderate the relationship between diversity and
    organizational outcomes, whose findings show that the effects of diversity may differ based on types
    of diversity.

    Yaghi and Yaghi (2013) in their empirical work on human resource diversity domiciled in the United
    Arab Emirates. They analyzed 795 employees in 17 public private sector organizations in the UAE
    between February 2011 and March 2012. Their findings shows that perception of human resource
    diversity in the UAE differ by educational level, nationality, employees’ gender, job level, professional
    experience, second language capability and previous experiences gained at various workplace. They
    were able to develop four factor models, which can be utilized to improve diversity practices in
    organizations through proper analysis of employees’ responses.

    Similarly, related work done by Dike (2013) he explored how companies manage workforce diversity
    and its consequences to the company’s existence; he also examined how companies’ deal with
    challenges that accompany employees from various cultural backgrounds. The research tried to
    examine how workplace diversity contributes to organizational success; owing to the fact that
    diversity involves various human qualities and attributes, the research mainly focused on tools for
    managing workplace diversity, advantages and disadvantages of managing various workforce. The
    research which used qualitative method to gather and analyze the data was carried out in two
    countries, Finland and Ghana. The work revealed that workplace diversity significantly impact on
    organizations. Though, there is need for regular improvement to adequately manage various
    workforce because of the rapidly globalization of the universe.

    In a study conducted by Preeti, Poonam and Gupta (2014) titled ‘Workforce Diversity Management:
    Biggest Challenge or Opportunity For 21st Century Organizations’, they emphasized that
    management is a social discipline that deals with people’s behaviour and human disposition. Thus,
    workforce diversity is seen as the biggest challenge as well as the biggest opportunity for the 21st

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    century managers. Diversity Management is a strategy fashioned to encourage the acknowledgement
    and implementation of diversity in organizations. The study which was conducted to explore how
    enterprise manage workforce diversity and its consequences to the organization’s existence as well
    as examine how enterprises deal with challenges that come with employees from diverse cultural
    backgrounds. They elucidate that workforce diversity has significant relationship with organization

    Importance of Workplace Diversity
    Workplace diversity comes with laudable advantages for a company, an industry and an economy.
    Diversified workforce is a way of contending with labor market volatility, increasing capabilities and
    competences of organizations in order to achieve superior advantages in the market (Stoner et al.,
    2013). A diversified workplace brings together talent pool from around the world noted to possess
    the best skills and competences which the organization leverage for competitive advantage in the
    market in order to earn above average returns and profitability (Mazur, 2010; Stoner et al., 2013).
    One of the ways companies can take advantage of global market opportunities due to globalization
    and trade liberalization is to build global brands with multicultural, diversified and multi-talented
    orientations. The organization will leverage on diversities to build strategic business units and
    overseas subsidiaries because recruitment of diverse employees increases supply of employees and
    potential applicants which can result to greater choice, superior quality and reduced cost (Niederle,
    Segal & Vesterlund, 2013).

    The creation of a diversified institution or workplace builds a learning organization. When multi-
    talented teams are brought together in a work organization, it gives room for openness, creativity,
    innovation and learning across the organization, such learning orientation birth creativity and
    innovation at work (Amaliyah, 2015; Stockdale & Crosby, 2010). Workplace diversity tends to improve
    productivity through effective management of the various issues inherent in the workplace. Benefits
    usually accrue to the firm and employees if diversified workforce is effectively managed (Amaliyah,
    2015). A heterogeneous work environment is usually a strong advantage to management, employees
    and shareholders.

    Workplace diversity could create beneficial impact and inclusion within the organization. Some of
    the associated benefits include cost reduction, improved resources of talented employees, superior
    products and services, enhance company image, improved firm’s creativity and problem solving,
    objective decision making, innovativeness and innovation, greater flexibility, improved productivity,
    upscale corporate performance and efficiency, enhanced trust in relationships, improve worker
    commitment and satisfaction, enhanced customer relationship management and effective service
    delivery to all the firm’s stakeholders (Rohwerder, 2017; Amaliyah, 2015).

    Heterogeneous or diversified organization is important to all employees of the firm. The cross
    fertilization and exchange of ideas and knowledge is largely inherent in a diversified company. This
    is due to the varied or relative cultures of workers, friendship development and collaborative work
    behaviour without discrimination (Foma, 2014; Buckingham, 2009; Devah & Hana, 2008). Employees

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    learn to co


    Monthly Labor Review May 2002 15

    Labor Force Change, 1950–2050

    T he history of the U.S. labor forceis a story of dramatic change. The ripplingeffects of the massive demographic
    changes that occurred within the U.S. population
    over the latter part of the 20th century will create
    further changes in the first half of the 21st cen-
    tury. The labor force—the number of people
    working or looking for work—is a dynamic con-
    cept that demonstrates the net impact of all de-
    mographic, social, political, and historical forces
    affecting a population. The growth of the labor
    force is one of the main ingredients of economic
    growth and prosperity.

    This article profiles and projects U.S. labor
    force trends for a period of 100 years, from 1950
    to 2050, on a decennial basis. Changes in both
    growth rates of the population and labor force
    participation rates have created a steadily grow-
    ing labor force that, compared with 1950, is today
    older, more diversified, and increasingly made up
    of women. The same forces that have influenced
    the size and composition of the U.S. labor force
    over the past 50 years are expected to shape the
    future of the workforce as well. Some of the key
    findings emanating from the research upon
    which the article is based are as follows:

    • Slowdown in growth of the labor
    force. The high growth rate of the civilian
    labor force1 in the last 50 years will be re-
    placed by much lower growth rates in the
    next 50 years. The civilian labor force was 62
    million in 1950 and grew to 141 million in
    2000, an increase of nearly 79 million, or an
    annual growth rate of 1.6 percent per year,
    between 1950 and 2000. It is projected that
    the labor force will reach 192 million in 2050,

    Mitra Toossi

    With slower growth, aging, and increasing diversity,
    the profile of the U.S. labor force is undergoing
    a gradual, but significant, change

    A century of change:
    the U.S. labor force, 1950–2050

    an increase of 51 million, or a growth rate of
    0.6 percent annually, between 2000 and 2050.
    (See table 1.)

    • Changes in gender structure of the labor
    force. Women in the labor force increased
    their numbers at an extremely rapid pace in
    the past 50 years. It is anticipated that their
    labor force growth will slow markedly in the
    next 50 years. The factor most responsible
    for the earlier high growth rate was the rapid
    increase in the labor force participation rate
    of women, which stood at 34 percent in 1950
    and increased to 60 percent by 2000. The
    number of women in the labor force rose from
    18 million in 1950 to 66 million in 2000, an an-
    nual growth rate of 2.6 percent. The share of
    women in the labor force grew from 30 percent
    in 1950 to almost 47 percent in 2000, and the
    number of working women is projected to reach
    92 million by 2050—on the basis of an annual
    growth rate of 0.7 percent. That same year,
    women’s share of the workforce is expected to
    be nearly 48 percent.

    • Changes in the age structure of the labor
    force. With the aging of the baby-boom
    generation, the older age cohorts are ex-
    pected to make up a larger proportion of the
    labor force in the next two decades. The 55-
    and-older age group, which made up 13 per-
    cent of the labor force in 2000, is projected to
    increase to 20 percent by 2020. It is antici-
    pated that, by 2050, the group will make up
    19 percent of the labor force.

    • Changes in the racial and ethnic composi-
    tion of the labor force. The labor force is
    expected to become more diverse. With higher

    Mitra Toossi is an
    economist in the
    Office of Occupa-
    tional Statistics and
    Projections, Bureau of
    Labor Statistics. e-mail:

    16 Monthly Labor Review May 2002

    Labor Force Change, 1950–2050

    population growth and increasing participation rates, the
    share of minorities in the workforce is projected to ex-
    pand substantially. The share of white non-Hispanics is
    anticipated to decrease from 73 percent in 2000 to 53 per-
    cent in 2050. Over the same period, Hispanics are expected
    to more than double their share, from 11 percent in 2000 to
    24 percent of the labor force in 2050. Blacks also are ex-
    pected to increase their share, from 12 percent in 2000 to
    14 percent in 2050. Asians, the fastest-growing group in
    the labor force, are projected to increase their share from
    5 percent to 11 percent between 2000 and 2050.

    The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS, the Bureau) publishes
    medium-term, or 10-year, labor force projections every 2 years.
    The latest ones covered the 2000–10 period.2 The projections
    presented in this article provide a longer term perspective on
    the labor force by looking 50 years ahead. As in the decade-
    long projection,3 the projected labor force is a product of two
    factors: the size and growth of the population by age, sex,
    race, and ethnicity and the future trend of labor force partici-
    pation rates for various age, sex, race, and ethnicity groups.

    The Current Population Survey (CPS)4 is the source of his-
    torical data on the civilian noninstitutional population and the
    labor force. The population projections and the CPS are based
    on estimates of births, deaths, and net immigration since the
    most recent decennial census. The estimates are benchmarked
    to the census results. Because population projections based
    on the 2000 census are not yet available, the Census Bureau’s
    population projections used in this article still reflect the 1990

    Future labor force participation rates for 136 different
    groups, including both genders, 17 age groups, and 4 race
    and ethnicity groups, are estimated on the basis of the labor

    force participation behavior of each group in the past. (See
    box.) By applying the projected labor force participation rates
    of each group to the projected population of that group, the
    size of the labor force is estimated, both for detailed catego-
    ries and for the economy as a whole.

    Population growth and the changes in participation rates
    are the main determinants of labor force growth. Table 2 pre-
    sents the growth rates of the civilian noninstitutional popula-
    tion,6 the labor force participation rate,7 and the civilian labor
    force during the 100 years examined. As the rate of change in
    labor force participation decreases, more of the growth rate of
    the labor force is accounted for by the growth rate of the

    In the 1950–60 period, population growth alone was re-
    sponsible for the growth of the labor force. During the 1960–
    70 period, population growth contributed about 94 percent of
    the growth in the labor force. In the 1970–80 period, when the
    labor force participation of women underwent rapid growth,
    76 percent of the labor force growth was the result of popula-
    tion growth, and the rest was related to the growth of partici-
    pation rates, mainly of women.8 From 2000 to 2050, with the
    expected overall decline in the participation rate, participation
    growth is projected to exert even less influence, and the
    growth of the labor force will likely be due mostly to the im-
    pact of population growth.

    In what follows, the analysis begins with a discussion of
    the major factors that have affected the trend of the labor
    force in the past 50 years and their implications for future
    labor force change: (1) different birth patterns in the U.S.
    population during the previous 50 years; (2) the extremely
    rapid growth in the participation rate of women; and (3) the
    growing racial and ethnic diversity of the labor force. Then
    the results of the long-term labor force projection are pre-

    Civilian labor force by sex, age, race, and Hispanic origin, 1950, 2000, and projected, 2050

    [Numbers in thousands]

    Level (in thousands) Change Percent change Percent distribution

    1950 2000 2050 1950–2000 2000–50 1950–2000 2000–50 1950 2000 2050 1950–2000 2000–50

    Total, 16 years and older ……… 62,208 140,863 191,825 78,655 50,961 126.4 36.2 100.0 100.0 100.0 1.6 0.6

    Men ……………………………………… 43,819 75,247 100,280 31,428 25,033 71.7 33.3 70.4 53.4 52.3 1.1 .6
    Women ………………………………… 18,389 65,616 91,545 47,227 25,928 256.8 39.5 29.6 46.6 47.7 2.6 .7

    16 to 24 ……………………………….. 11,522 22,715 31,317 11,193 8,602 97.1 37.9 18.5 16.1 16.3 1.4 .6
    25 to 54 ……………………………….. 40,017 99,974 124,443 59,957 24,469 149.8 24.5 64.3 71.0 64.9 1.8 .4
    55 and older ………………………….. 10,669 18,175 36,065 7,506 17,891 70.3 98.4 17.2 12.9 18.8 1.1 1.4

    White ……………………………………. — 117,574 143,770 … 26,196 … 22.3 … 83.5 74.9 … .4
    Black ……………………………………. — 16,603 27,094 … 10,491 … 63.2 … 11.8 14.1 … 1.0
    Asian and other1 ……………………. — 6,687 20,960 … 14,274 … 213.5 … 4.7 10.9 … 2.3

    Hispanic origin ………………………. — 15,368 45,426 … 30,058 … 195.6 … 10.9 23.7 … 2.2
    Other than Hispanic origin ………. — 125,495 146,399 … 20,903 … 16.7 … 89.1 76.3 … .3
    White non-Hispanic ………………. — 102,963 102,506 … (457) –.4 … 73.1 53.4 … .0

    Annual growth
    rate (percent)

    1 The “Asian and other” group includes (1) Asians and Pacific Islanders
    and (2) American Indians and Alaska Natives. The historical data are
    derived by subtracting “black” and “white” from the total; projections are

    made directly, not by subtraction.

    NOTE: Dash indicates data not available.


    Table 1.

    Monthly Labor Review May 2002 17

    sented. Finally, two other important concepts in the study of
    the labor force—the median age and economic dependency—
    are discussed in light of the changes in the composition of
    the labor force.

    Major factors affecting labor force change

    Population: birth patterns. A number of distinct birth pat-
    terns evolved in the population of the United States in the last
    century that led to similar labor force patterns as the various
    cohorts9 reached 16 years of age and joined the workforce.
    These demographic patterns can be traced chronologically
    as follows:

    • Birth dearth: the decline in the number of births between
    the late 1920s and early 1930s.

    • Baby boom: the significant increase in the number of
    births between 1946 and 1964, with the peak birth year
    being 1957.

    • Baby bust: a decrease in the number of births occurring
    between the end of the baby boom and the late 1970s.

    • Baby-boom echo or baby boomlet: a growth in the num-
    ber of children born to the baby-boom generation during
    the 1980s and early 1990s.

    The effect of the foregoing demographic events can be seen
    in table 3, which shows the civilian noninstitutional popula-
    tion, by sex, race, age, and Hispanic origin, from 1950 to 2050.

    The birth dearth can be seen in the decrease of a million
    people in the 25–34 age group during the 1950–60 period and

    a corresponding drop of 948,000 people in the 35–44 age group
    in the 1960–70 period. The same diminution in births can be
    further traced through succeeding decades as this cohort
    ages. The baby boom can be traced to the increase of nearly
    9.4 million people in the 16–24 age group during the 1960–70
    period and 7.3 million in the 1970–80 period. This increase in
    births can again be seen in the 25–34 age group a decade later,
    during the 1970–80 period. The baby bust is reflected by the
    decrease of nearly 3.8 million in the 16–24 age group during the
    1980–90 period. The same impact can be seen in succeeding
    decades in older age groups. The baby-boom echo also can be
    seen in the increase of more than a million people in the 16–24
    age group during the 1990–2000 period.

    These distinct birth patterns can be traced as well in the
    shape of the population and labor force pyramids in three
    snapshots for 1950, 2000, and 2050. The birth dearth can be
    clearly seen in the indentation of the bar representing those in
    the 15–19 age group in the population pyramid of the 1950s.
    (See chart 1, top panel.) The surge in the births of the early
    baby-boom generation is reflected in the extended length of
    the bar corresponding to the 0–4 age group in 1950.

    The middle panel of chart 1 shows the population and labor
    force pyramid for 2000. The birth dearth of the late 1920s and
    early 1930s is visible in the 65–69 age group. The swelling at
    the 35–54 age group in the population pyramid clearly shows
    the share of the baby boomers in the total population in 2000.
    The baby bust is visible as the indentation of the bar repre-
    senting the 25–29 age group. The baby-boom echo is reflected
    in the bulge of the 15–19 age group of the population.

    The bottom panel of chart 1 shows the projected popula-
    tion pyramid in 2050. It is expected that, in that year, the baby

    Projections of labor force participation rates for each age,
    sex, race, and ethnicity group are developed initially by
    extrapolating trends, usually on the basis of participation
    behavior during the previous 7 years. Then, the resulting
    participation rates are modified when the projection for a
    specific labor force group is inconsistent with the results
    of cross-sectional and cohort analysis. This step ensures
    consistency in the projections across the various demo-
    graphic groups. Finally, the projected labor force partici-
    pation rates are applied to the population projections, pro-
    ducing a labor force projection for each of the different
    age, sex, race, and ethnicity categories. (For further infor-
    mation, see “Employment Projections,” in Handbook of
    Methods (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1999), Chapter 13.)

    Labor force participation rates for the various sex, age,

    racial, and ethnic categories were projected, as just de-
    scribed, to the year 2015 and were held constant thereafter.
    In similar long-term projections of the labor force, the change
    in participation rates for various age and sex groups, usu-
    ally based on their past behavior, is often assumed to ap-
    proach zero beyond a certain point in the projection hori-
    zon. This assumption is due to uncertainties associated
    with long-term change in factors affecting the decision to
    participate in the labor force. Still, despite the fact that
    detailed participation rates for various population catego-
    ries are expected to be constant, the overall labor force
    participation rate is projected to change through 2050. This
    overall mutability reflects the impact of changes in the rela-
    tive sizes of the various sex, age, race, and ethnic groups,
    each of which can have different levels of participation.

    Methodology used for the long-term labor force projections

    18 Monthly Labor Review May 2002

    Labor Force Change, 1950–2050

    boomers will be concentrated primarily in the 85-and-older
    age category of the population, represented by relatively
    longer bars, especially for women, compared with bars repre-
    senting previous population cohorts. The pyramid of 2050
    looks rectangular in shape in the higher age brackets, indica-
    tive of the swelling population of aging baby boomers.

    The baby bust is reflected in 2050 as the indentation of the
    bars corresponding to the 80–84 age group of the population.
    The baby-boom echo is seen as the bulge in the 65–69 age
    group. A comparative look at the three population pyramids
    shows how their shapes have changed as a result of alter-
    ations in the sex and age composition of the population over
    the entire 100-year period. In addition, the effect that mortality
    differentials have on the composition of the population dur-
    ing the century under examination is worth noting: women’s
    tendency to exhibit lower mortality rates than men within spe-
    cific age cohorts is visible in both tables for 2000 and 2050,
    especially in the older age groups.

    Labor force participation: rapid growth of the participation
    rates of women. Among the factors that have contributed
    to the growth and development of the U.S. labor force, none
    has been as pronounced as the rise in the participation of
    women in the labor force. In the two decades after World War
    II, the U.S. economy enjoyed a major expansion, coupled with
    increases in productivity, higher standards of living, and rapid
    acceleration in the growth of college enrollments.10 Rapid eco-
    nomic growth vastly increased the demand for labor. The civil
    rights movement, legislation promoting equal opportunity in
    employment, and the women’s rights movement created an
    atmosphere that was hospitable to more women working out-
    side the home. The combination of all of these factors created
    strong inducements for women to join the workforce, signifi-
    cantly affecting their participation rate.

    The dramatic increase in the labor force participation rates
    of women during the period was accompanied by many other
    social, economic, and demographic changes in the status of

    • Women remained single more often.
    • Of those who married, many did so later in life, and the

    median age at first marriage increased substantially.
    • Women elected to stay in school longer, achieving higher

    educational attainment than in the past and pursuing
    better paying careers.

    • Women postponed childbirth to older ages and had fewer
    children than in previous decades. As a result of improved
    child care, women tended to enter the labor force even
    before their children started school, and they were able
    to maintain a longer job tenure than in previous periods.

    • Women got divorced more often; this in itself increased
    their labor force participation rate.11

    In 1950, the overall participation rate of women was 34 per-
    cent. (See table 4.) The rate rose to 38 percent in 1960, 43
    percent in 1970, 52 percent in 1980, and 58 percent in 1990 and
    reached 60 percent by 2000. The overall labor force participa-
    tion rate of women is projected to attain its highest level in
    2010, at 62 percent. From then on, it is anticipated to decline
    slowly, falling to 57 percent in 2050. The projected decline
    after 2010 is due to the assumption that changes in participa-
    tion rates will approach zero by 2015, combined with the
    gradual movement of an aging female labor force into age
    groups that traditionally have lower participation rates.

    Between 1970 and 1980, the labor force participation rates
    of women in the 25–34 and 35–44 age groups increased by
    20.5 percentage points and 14.4 percentage points, respec-
    tively. No other labor force group has ever experienced an
    increase in participation rates of this magnitude in one dec-
    ade. During the same period, the participation rate of women
    in the 16–24 age group increased by 10.6 percentage points.
    From 1980 to 1990, the participation rate for women in the 35–
    44 age group increased by 11.0 percentage points, and the
    rate for women in the 45–54 age group increased by 11.3 per-
    centage points. The Bureau projects that after 2010, the par-
    ticipation rates for three age groups—25–34, 35–44, and 45–

    Annual growth rates of the civilian noninstitutional population, civilian labor force, and civilian labor force
    participation rate, 1950 to 2000, and projected, 2000 to 2050

    [In percent]

    Category 1950–60 1960–70 1970–80 1980–90 1990–2000 2000–10 2010–15 2015–20 2020–30 2030–40 2040–2050

    Population growth ……….. 1.10 1.60 2.00 1.20 1.00 1.10 0.80 0.80 0.80 0.70 0.60

    Participation growth …….. .03 .16 .54 .40 .12 .05 –.20 –.53 –.43 –.11 –.02

    Interaction1 ………………… –.03 –.06 .06 .00 –.02 –.05 .00 –.07 –.07 .01 .02

    Labor force growth ……… 1.10 1.70 2.60 1.60 1.10 1.10 .60 .20 .30 .60 .60

    Table 2.

    1 Interaction measures the effect of the labor force participation rates on
    the changing composition of the labor force (its age structure and racial and
    Hispanic makeup). Interaction is the labor force growth that is not accounted

    for by growth in the aggregate population and aggregate labor force participa-
    tion rate.

    Monthly Labor Review May 2002 19

    Civilian noninstitutional population by sex, age, race, and Hispanic origin, 1950–2000 and projected, 2010–50

    Group 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2015 2020 2030 2040 2050


    older ………………….. 104,995 117,245 137,085 167,745 189,164 209,699 233,658 243,591 253,069 272,956 292,891 312,372

    Men ………………………….. 50,725 55,662 64,304 79,398 90,377 100,731 112,319 117,088 121,569 130,937 140,454 150,067
    Women …………………….. 54,270 61,582 72,782 88,348 98,787 108,968 121,338 126,503 131,500 142,019 152,436 162,304

    16 to 24 ……………………. 19,223 20,460 29,841 37,178 33,421 34,453 39,201 39,047 38,550 41,709 45,177 47,780
    25 to 34 ……………………. 23,013 21,998 24,435 36,558 42,976 37,417 39,287 41,628 43,129 43,192 47,022 50,596
    35 to 44 ……………………. 20,681 23,437 22,489 25,578 37,719 44,605 39,535 38,874 40,767 45,087 45,596 49,487
    45 to 54 ……………………. 17,240 20,601 23,059 22,563 25,081 36,905 43,894 41,728 38,594 40,088 44,617 45,136
    55 to 64 ……………………. 13,469 15,409 18,250 21,520 20,720 23,615 34,846 39,303 41,472 36,697 38,497 42,987
    65 and older ………………. 11,363 15,336 19,007 24,350 29,247 32,705 36,895 43,012 50,557 66,183 71,982 76,385

    White ………………………… – – – 146,122 160,625 174,428 189,512 195,745 201,452 212,810 223,707 234,046
    Black ………………………… – – – 17,824 21,477 25,218 29,877 31,750 33,625 37,691 41,589 45,333
    Asian and other1 ………… – – – 3,801 7,061 10,054 14,269 16,096 17,992 22,454 27,594 32,992

    Hispanic origin …………… – – – 9,598 15,904 22,393 30,359 34,439 38,793 48,543 59,447 71,196
    Other than Hispanic

    origin ……………………… – – – 158,147 173,260 187,306 203,298 209,152 214,276 224,413 233,444 241,175
    White non-Hispanic …… – – – 136,847 146,535 153,111 162,064 164,579 166,313 168,787 169,742 169,355

    Age of baby-boom
    generation ……………… 0 to 4 0 to 14 6 to 24 16 to 34 26 to 44 36 to 54 46 to 64 51 to 69 56 to 74 66 to 84 76 to 94 86 to 104

    Share (percent)

    Total, 16 years and
    older ………………….. 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

    Men ………………………….. 48.3 47.5 46.9 47.3 47.8 48.0 48.1 48.1 48.0 48.0 48.0 48.0
    Women …………………….. 51.7 52.5 53.1 52.7 52.2 52.0 51.9 51.9 52.0 52.0 52.0 52.0

    16 to 24 ……………………. 18.3 17.5 21.8 22.2 17.7 16.4 16.8 16.0 15.2 15.3 15.4 15.3
    25 to 34 ……………………. 21.9 18.8 17.8 21.8 22.7 17.8 16.8 17.1 17.0 15.8 16.1 16.2
    35 to 44 ……………………. 19.7 20.0 16.4 15.2 19.9 21.3 16.9 16.0 16.1 16.5 15.6 15.8
    45 to 54 ……………………. 16.4 17.6 16.8 13.5 13.3 17.6 18.8 17.1 15.3 14.7 15.2 14.4
    55 to 64 ……………………. 12.8 13.1 13.3 12.8 11.0 11.3 14.9 16.1 16.4 13.4 13.1 13.8
    65 and older ………………. 10.8 13.1 13.9 14.5 15.5 15.6 15.8 17.7 20.0 24.2 24.6 24.5

    White ………………………… – – – 87.1 84.9 83.2 81.1 80.4 79.6 78.0 76.4 74.9
    Black ………………………… – – – 10.6 11.4 12.0 12.8 13.0 13.3 13.8 14.2 14.5
    Asian and other1 ………… – – – 2.3 3.7 4.8 6.1 6.6 7.1 8.2 9.4 10.6

    Hispanic origin …………… – – – 5.7 8.4 10.7 13.0 14.1 15.3 17.8 20.3 22.8
    Other than Hispanic

    origin ……………………… – – – 94.3 91.6 89.3 87.0 85.9 84.7 82.2 79.7 77.2
    White non-Hispanic …… – – – 81.6 77.5 73.0 69.4 67.6 65.7 61.8 58.0 54.2

    Change (thousands) 1950–60 1960–70 1970–80 1980–90 1990–2000 2000–10 2010–15 2015–20 2020–30 2030–40 2040–50

    Total, 16 years and
    older ……………………………….. 12,250 19,840 30,660 21,419 20,535 23,959 9,933 9,478 19,887 19,934 19,481

    Men ……………………………………….. 4,937 8,642 15,094 10,979 10,354 11,588 4,769 4,481 9,367 9,518 9,613
    Women …………………………………… 7,312 11,200 15,566 10,439 10,181 12,370 5,164 4,997 10,519 10,417 9,868

    16 to 24 …………………………………. 1,237 9,381 7,337 –3,757 1,032 4,749 –154 –497 3,159 3,467 2,603
    25 to 34 …………………………………. –1,015 2,437 12,123 6,418 –5,559 1,870 2,341 1,501 64 3,830 3,574
    35 to 44 …………………………………. 2,756 –948 3,089 12,141 6,886 –5,070 –662 1,893 4,320 509 3,892
    45 to 54 …………………………………. 3,361 2,458 –496 2,518 11,824 6,989 –2,166 –3,134 1,494 4,529 519
    55 to 64 …………………………………. 1,940 2,841 3,270 –800 2,895 11,231 4,457 2,170 –4,775 1,800 4,490
    65 and older ……………………………. 3,973 3,671 5,343 4,897 3,458 4,190 6,117 7,545 15,626 5,800 4,403

    White ……………………………………… … … … 14,503 13,803 15,083 6,233 5,707 11,358 10,897 10,339
    Black ……………………………………… … … … 3,653 3,741 4,659 1,874 1,875 4,066 3,898 3,744
    Asian and other1 ……………………… … … … 3,260 2,993 4,215 1,827 1,896 4,462 5,140 5,398

    Hispanic origin ………………………… … … … 6,306 6,489 7,966 4,080 4,354 9,750 10,903 11,750
    Other than Hispanic

    origin …………………………………… … … … 15,113 14,046 15,993 5,854 5,124 10,137 9,031 7,731
    White non-Hispanic ………………… … … … 9,687 6,576 8,953 2,515 1,734 2,473 955 –387

    Table 3.

    Total, 16 years and

    20 Monthly Labor Review May 2002

    Labor Force Change, 1950–2050

    54—will remain above the 80-percent mark through 2050.
    The difference between the participation rates of men and

    women has been decreasing steadily between 1950 and 2000,
    and the Bureau expects this narrowing to continue into the
    future. As table 4 demonstrates, the difference between the
    participation rates of men and women was 53 percentage
    points in 1950, decreasing to 46 percentage points in 1960. In
    1970, the difference was reduced even further, to 36 percent-
    age points. In 1980 and 1990, the difference was 26 percent-
    age points and 19 percentage points, respectively. In 2000,
    the difference was 15 percentage points. It is projected that,
    during the 2000–50 period, the men-women participation rate
    difference will decrease even further, to about 10 percentage
    points in 2050. (See chart 2.)

    Diversity. During the last 50 years of the 20th century, the
    U.S. population grew more and more racially and ethnically di-
    verse. The greater diversity of the population resulted in an
    increased diversity in the labor force. Following the standards
    provided in the Office of Management and Budget’ s Statistical
    Policy Directive No. 15, this article divides the population and
    the labor force into four major racial categories: “white,” “black,”
    “American Indian and Alaska Native,” and “Asian and Pacific

    The Office of Management and Budget also recog-

    nizes two ethnic groups: “Hispanic origin” and “not of Hispanic
    origin.” Although Hispanics can be of any race, most report that
    they are white. Data on race and ethnicity are based on self-

    reports or self-identification.
    Immigration has been the major source of growing diver-

    sity. Most immigrants come to the United States seeking better
    job opportunities and higher wages. They tend to be in younger
    age groups with higher labor force participation rates. Because
    many come from high-fertility societies, they have considerably
    higher fertility rates than those of the resident population, and
    this factor has contributed in large part to the growing diversity
    of the U.S. population and labor force.

    In 1980, the first year data were available on both race and
    Hispanic origin, the total civilian noninstitutional population
    aged 16 years and older consisted of 87 percent whites (of
    which 82 percent were non-Hispanic whites), 11 percent
    blacks, and 2 percent Asians and others. (See table 3.) In 2000,
    the share of whites had fallen to 83 percent (with the share of
    non-Hispanic whites declining to 73 percent), while the share
    of the black population rose to 12 percent and the share of
    Asians and others jumped to 5 percent. The share of Hispan-
    ics, which was 6 percent in 1980, soared to 11 percent by 2000.
    It is projected that the share of Hispanics will reach 13 percent
    of the population in 2010 and 23 percent in 2050.

    The shares of the various race and ethnicity groups in the
    civilian noninstitutional population are projected to change
    significantly between 2000 and 2050:

    • White non-Hispanics are expected to slowly decrease their
    share, to make up 54 percent of the civilian noninstitutional

    Continued—Civilian noninstitutional population by sex, age, race, and Hispanic origin, 1950–2000 and

    Group 1950–60 1960–70 1970–80 1980–90 1990–2000 2000–10 2010–15 2015–20 2020–30 2030–40 2040–50

    projected, 2010–50

    Annual growth (percent)

    Total, 16 years and
    older ……………………………. 1.1 1.6 2.0 1.2 1.0 1.1 .8 .8 .8 .7 .6

    Men …………………………………….. .9 1.5 2.1 1.3 1.1 1.1 .8 .8 .7 .7 .7
    Women ………………………………… 1.3 1.7 2.0 1.1 1.0 1.1 .8 .8 .8 .7 .6

    16 to 24 ………………………………. .6 3.8 2.2 –1.1 .3 1.3 –.1 –.3 .8 .8 .6
    25 to 34 ………………………………. –.5 1.1 4.1 1.6 –1.4 .5 1.2 .7 .0 .9 .7
    35 to 44 ………………………………. 1.3 –.4 1.3 4.0 1.7 –1.2 –.3 1.0 1.0 .1 .8
    45 to 54 ………………………………. 1.8 1.1 –.2 1.1 3.9 1.7 –1.0 –1.5 .4 1.1 .1
    55 to 64 ………………………………. 1.4 1.7 1.7 –.4 1.3 4.0 2.4 1.1 –1.2 .5 1.1
    65 and older …………………………. 3.0 2.2 2.5 1.8 1.1 1.2 3.1 3.3 2.7 .8 .6

    White …………………………………… … … … 1.0 .8 .8 .6 .6 .5 .5 .5
    Black …………………………………… … … … 1.9 1.6 1.7 1.2 1.2 1.1 1.0 .9
    Asian and other1 …………………… … … … 6.4 3.6 3.6 2.4 2.3 2.2 2.1 1.8

    Hispanic origin ……………………… … … … 5.2 3.5 3.1 2.6 2.4 2.3 2.0 1.8
    Other than Hispanic

    origin ………………………………… … … … .9 .8 .8 .6 .5 .5 .4 .3
    White non-Hispanic ……………… … … … .7 .4 .6 .3 .2 .1 .1 .0

    1 The “Asian and other” group includes (1) Asians and Pacific Islanders and (2) American Indians and Alaska Natives. Historical data are derived by subtracting
    “black” from the “black and other” group; projections are made directly, not by subtraction.

    NOTE: Dash indicates data not available.

    Table 3.


    Monthly Labor Review May 2002 21

    U.S. population and labor force, 1950, 2000, and projected, 2050Chart 1.

    [In millions] [In millions]




    Labor force


    Labor force


    Labor force


    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 1414 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

    14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

    14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

    14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

    14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

    14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14




    SOURCE: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    22 Monthly Labor Review May 2002

    Labor Force Change, 1950–2050

    Civilian labor force participation rates by sex and age, 1950–2000 and projected, 2010–50

    Group 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2015 2020 2030 2040 2050

    Total, 16 years and older . 59.2 59.4 60.4 63.8 66.4 67.2 67.5 66.8 65.1 62.3 61.6 61.5

    16 to


    Diversity management:
    a systematic review
    Shatrughan Yadav and Usha Lenka

    Department of Management Studies, Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee,
    Roorkee, India


    Purpose – Diversity management plays a significant role in the organization’s outcomes. This study seeks to
    provide a brief review of the history of diversity management and to identify the articles published on diversity
    management since 1991. A systematic review of the literature has been carried out to understand the literature
    in more detail to know the future scope of research.
    Design/methodology/approach – This study provides a comprehensive systematic review of quantitative,
    qualitative and theoretical studies published in leading peer-reviewed management journals from 1991 to 2018
    and identifies 123 articles that fall within its established search inclusion criteria.
    Findings – The literature review highlighted several aspects related to diversity management. The findings of
    the study revealed that there is a high concentration of researches in the USA and most number of articles
    published in the Academy of Management Journal. Although diversity management is a very emerging topic
    across the globe in management literature yet there is a lack of research in developed countries. Furthermore,
    most studies are found empirical in nature and the majority of the studies were published during the period of
    1996–2000. This finding suggests that age, gender and racial diversity have been repeatedly discussed in
    diversity management research while other forms of diversity have given less attention
    Originality/value – This study is one of the first systematic studies that describe the in-depth analysis of
    diversity management literature. The significant contribution of this study is to propose the integrated model
    with contemporary trends and patterns of results reported in diversity research, as well as contextual factors
    that have received more attention to date.

    Keywords Demographic diversity, Diversity management, Systematic literature review, Workforce diversity

    Paper type Literature review

    1. Introduction
    Socio-cultural and economic transformations, along with economic liberalization,
    globalization and changing preferences of customers, have substantially increased
    workforce diversity, which forces organizations to make their workforce more diverse,
    innovative and competitive (Cook and Glass, 2009). Innovative workforce can be ensured by
    hiring multiple talents from different backgrounds for providing better products and services
    to the customer and clients (Salau et al., 2018). However, challenges of a diverse workforce are
    umpteen, which arise due to differences in the workplace. To successfully manage the
    challenges of a diverse workforce, organizations have emphasized understanding the root
    cause of diversity and found that diversity management can address the problem and
    enhance problem-solving and decision-making power (Pelled, 1996). Therefore, organizations
    have made a huge investment into managing diversity effectively and also over the past three
    decades a plethora of diversity research has examined the positive impact of diversity on
    performance, creativity, innovation, problem-solving and decision-making skills (Elsass and
    Graves, 1997; Yang and Konrad, 2010), as well as the adverse impact on group cohesion,
    conflicts and turnover (Roberson, 2019).

    The purpose of diversity management is to enhance the performance of a heterogeneous
    workforce and inclusive development of people with differences in gender, ethnicity,
    nationality, cultural and educational backgrounds. The reason for heterogeneity in the

    management: a



    The authors would like to express their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers and Editor for their
    valuable inputs to publish this article.

    The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:


    Received 3 July 2019
    Revised 19 December 2019

    27 February 2020
    Accepted 13 April 2020

    Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
    An International Journal

    Vol. 39 No. 8, 2020
    pp. 901-929

    © Emerald Publishing Limited

    DOI 10.1108/EDI-07-2019-0197

    workforce is the recruitment of ethnic minorities, women, underrepresented groups and the
    migration of people in search of job opportunities (Tsui et al., 1992). Each individual has
    unique knowledge, which needs to be recognized by organizations for their holistic
    development. Conclusively, diversity management plays a massive role in knowledge
    sharing and the overall development of organizations. Several studies have discussed the
    relationship between diversity and performance of an organization. To understand and
    manage the dynamics of workforce diversity researchers have remarkably explored the
    outcomes of diversity at an individual level (Chatman and Flynn, 2001), group level
    (Schippers et al., 2003; Leslie, 2017) and organization level (Richard and Johnson, 2001;
    Armstrong et al., 2010). Individual-level outcomes are such as commitment, absenteeism,
    satisfaction and turnover (Tsui et al., 1992). The group-level outcomes are conflict, cohesion,
    creativity, group performance and idea generation (Williams and O’Reilly, 1998). Finally, the
    organizational-level outcomes are financial performance, productivity and firm
    competitiveness (Cox and Blake, 1991; Richard, 2000).

    Researchers have performed studies and found that diversity management positively
    influences organizational effectiveness and firm performance (Watson et al., 1993; Richard
    et al., 2004). In contrast, some studies have reported that diversity has negative effects like
    social exclusion, miscommunication, conflicts and turnover (Williams and O’Reilly, 1998). In a
    meta-analysis of 24 studies, Webber and Donahue (2001) found that neither type of diversity
    had a relationship with group cohesion and performance. Similarly, Horwitz and Horwitz
    (2007) found that job-oriented diversity has a positive impact on team performance, whereas
    demographic diversity was not significantly associated with team performance. The
    inconsistencies in several studies have led researchers to report diversity as a “double-edged
    sword” (Milliken and Martins, 1996; Williams and O’Reilly, 1998). These mixed findings can
    be attributed to different contextual factors, which suggests that diversity research should be
    context-specific (Joshi and Roh, 2009). Because of inconsistencies that have widely ignored in
    the tradition review paper, there is a need for a systematic review of the literature.

    This study has not designed in any particular country context and only summarized the
    previous findings of diversity, dimensions of diversity and suggests gaps and new avenues
    for research. Moreover, previous studies have only focused on particular areas of diversity
    (e.g., cultural and racial diversity) while largely ignoring diversity and its types like
    workplace diversity, organizational diversity, informational diversity and relational
    demography. Hence, this study includes overall diversity and its dimension to broaden the
    scope for future studies. This study intensely reviews a large number of articles in
    comparison to other review papers to report a clearer and more comprehensive picture of
    diversity. Conclusively, the research in the area of workforce diversity has rapidly increased
    in the last two decades. However, there are still certain research questions remain, which our
    study intends to address through the following research objectives:

    Objective 1: To explore dimensions of diversity from past literature.

    Objective 2: To identify the different antecedents, consequences and contextual factors to
    propose an integrative model of diversity management.

    Objective 3: To identify emerging issues in diversity research and suggest avenues for
    future research.

    2. Literature review
    Thissection presents theevolution ofdiversity management, the conceptualization ofdiversity,
    and dimensions of diversity given by several authors in different contexts accordingly.



    2.1 Evolution of diversity management
    Diversity management is the business strategy adopted by organizations to recruitment,
    retention and inclusive development of individuals from a variety of backgrounds (Thomas,
    1991). The concept has become increasingly important due to globalization and the migration
    of people across the globe (Al Ariss and Sidani, 2016). Roosevelt Thomas has coined the term
    diversity management in the year 1990 in the context of the USA and gradually, it dispersed
    over the world (Kelly and Dobbin, 1998). The history behind the theory of diversity
    management goes long back when affirmative action (AA) plans and equal employment
    opportunities (EEO) act were incorporated through Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in
    the USA (Kelly and Dobbin, 1998). Prior to the 1990s, studies were conducted on the topic of
    affirmative action programs and equal employment opportunity but after the emergence of
    diversity management, researchers have gradually moved into cross-cultural diversity
    research (Cox, 1991). The issue of diversity was completely ignored in organizations;
    however, workplace diversity had become a critical issue in the year 1987 when the Hudson
    Institute of USA published the report “Workforce 2000: Work and Workers for the
    Twenty-First Century” (Johnson and Packer, 1987). To understand the problems of
    increasing diversity in the organizations’ researchers have defined diversity in different ways
    and conceptualized the diversity with support of different theories, which has discussed in
    the following sections.

    2.2 Conceptualization of diversity
    Different authors have defined diversity, yet there is no single definition accepted globally.
    Diversity is all about differences and dissimilarities among people. Although an organization
    claims to be relatively homogenous, yet employees vary along with social identity
    characteristics such as demographic variables (i.e., age, gender, race and ethnicity), values,
    beliefs or cultural backgrounds (Weber et al., 2018). According to Williams and O’Reilly (1998,
    p. 81), diversity is defined as “any attributes that people use to tell themselves that another
    person is different.” Whereas Jackson et al. (2003) defined diversity as the differences in
    personal attributes among individual members in the workgroup.

    Diversity has been recognized as an immeasurable number of attributes like age, gender,
    race, etc. based on which individuals may differ from each other. The heterogeneity in
    diversity research has been explained with the help of underlying theories like social identity
    (Tajfel and Turner, 1979), similarity-attraction (Byrne, 1971), and self-categorization (Turner
    et al., 1987). These theories have been differentiated based on the perspectives of social and
    personal identity of individuals. The social identity of an individual depends on group
    membership, while personal identity is less or more independent of group memberships. The
    self-categorization theory is referred that an individual engages in a group based on social
    comparisons like status, income and education to differentiate between their in-groups and
    others into different relevant groups (Turner et al., 1987). Whereas social identity theory states
    that individuals’ perceptions classify themselves into social groups based on certain
    attributes (e.g., age, race and gender) (Tajfel and Turner, 1979). Similarity-attraction theory
    highlights that as individuals are likely to be attracted toward those who possess similar
    attributes and attitudes, and in contrast, they feel challenging with others who have dissimilar
    attitudes, values and experiences (Byrne, 1971). Collectively, these theories offer the
    conceptual foundation of relational demography theory (Tsui et al., 1992), which proposes that
    demographic attributes within work units will highly influence an individual’s behavior and
    attitudes. Conclusively, these theories address the negative perspective of diversity in
    workgroups related to diversity such as race, gender, age, nationality. However, these theories
    suggest that a homogenous group of people are more productive and have less conflict rather
    than diverse teams due to attraction toward in-group members with similar characteristics.

    management: a



    Accordingly, these mentioned theories suggest that diversity may be negatively associated
    with organizational performance and firm effectiveness (Pelled et al., 1999).

    Optimistic researchers have argued that diversity can have a potential advantage to the
    organizations. The positive viewpoint was supported by information decision-making
    (Willimas and O’Reilly, 1998), upper echelon theory (Hambrick and Mason, 1984), and
    integration learning perspective (Ely and Thomas, 2001). These theories have argued that
    dissimilarity among group members results in the dissemination of knowledge, ideas, skills
    and perspective, which enhances creativity, problem-solving capabilities, thereby improving
    the quality of group performance, firm effectiveness and organizational performance. The
    same concept has been reaffirmed by the upper echelon theory, which states that top
    management team diversity has a positive impact on organizational outcomes due to diverse
    experience, backgrounds and value systems (Knight et al., 1999; Simons et al., 1999). Diversity
    in top management will help in improving the overall performance of all employees. The
    performance is measured in terms of financial performance (e.g., return on equity, return on
    investment, sales growth and productivity) and nonfinancial performance (e.g., employee
    satisfaction, quality and quantity). Conclusively, researchers have found both positive and
    negative effects of diversity on organizational outcomes (Milliken and Martins, 1996).

    A review of 40 years of extant literature has been carried out to understand the dynamics
    of literature on diversity management, which concluded that diversity has dual nature and
    inconsistent findings (Willimas and O’Reilly, 1998). However, to overcome the inconsistency
    and the inappropriate relationship between workgroup diversity and performance, a
    categorization-elaboration model (CEM) was proposed by van Knippenberg et al. (2004). To
    understand the combined effects of diversity on group performance, this model integrates
    both positive and negative perspectives of theory and reconceptualize the two contradicting
    viewpoints of diversity into a unified framework. Therefore, CEM has integrated the social
    categorization and information decision-making theory and incorporated mediator and
    moderator variables in a single framework to mitigate the negative effects of diversity, which
    have typically been ignored in prior studies.

    2.3 Exploring dimensions of diversity
    To review the dimensions of diversity studied in diversity management, an extensive and
    in-depth review of literature has been carried out. Diversity has been categorized into readily
    detectable and underlying attributes (Jackson et al., 1995). Another typology categorized
    diversity based on observable and underlying attributes (Milliken and Martins, 1996).
    Observable attributes are age, gender, race, nationality, while underlying attributes are
    personality, education, tenure, etc. Readily-detectable and observable attributes are similar
    and highlight the same attributes. Another classification of diversity is categorized as high
    visible (age, gender, race) and less visible dimensions like tenure, education and functional
    background (Pelled, 1996). Further, in the sequel of studies, diversity has been categorized as
    surface-level diversity and deep-level diversity by Harrison et al. (1998). Surface-level
    diversity is observable attributes that can be easily identified based on physical features,
    whereas deep-level diversity defines underlying attributes that are hidden, such as attitudes,
    personality and values, etc. The aforementioned typologies of diversity have been proposed
    through a 2 3 2 matrix that categorizes the different dimensions of diversity. Table 1 depicts
    the typology of different dimensions of diversity, whereas Figure 1 represents the pictorial
    descriptions of the evolution of diversity management and different types of dimensions of
    diversity discussed by several researchers.



    3. Research methodology
    A systematic review of the extant literature on diversity management was carried out
    through relevant search of keywords. The systematic review is a transparent process to
    synthesize and disseminate evidence by minimizing the bias through an exhaustive search of
    published literature (Tranfield et al., 2003). Specific keywords like “workplace diversity,”
    “diversity management,” ”workforce diversity,” “heterogeneous workforce” and “managing
    diversity” were searched, followed by certain inclusion and exclusion criteria. Search criteria
    included articles written in the English language and published in peer-reviewed journals
    from 1991 to 2018. This period was chosen because the term diversity management was
    coined in 1990, and a 28-year time span would be sufficient to uncover the early roots of
    studies about diversity management. Initially, to access the relevant articles from diversity
    research, the authors searched relevant databases (Google Scholar, Emeralds, Scopus, SAGE
    and JSTOR). Besides, the reference lists of relevant articles to the area were manually
    searched in located additional journals of Wiley, Springer and APA PsycNET. Further, a
    chapter by Jackson et al. (1995) is also included, which is most cited and referred to in diversity
    research. Through all these processes a total of 1787 articles were identified directly from the
    search database, and 68 papers were selected through cross-referencing. Moreover, the total
    articles were very large in number and not related to diversity management, and were
    excluded. However, the diversity term has been used in numerous fields (e.g., biodiversity,
    nursing, social policy, etc.), but this review primarily focuses on being more specific to
    research in human resource management, organizational behavior and psychology. The
    paper related to diversity management practices, programs, training and policies were also
    excluded because our main objective was to identify the antecedents, consequences,
    moderators and mediators studied in the previous literature. All research notes, short articles,
    book reviews, conference proceedings and news were excluded from this study. A total of 265
    articles were retrieved in the Zotero software, where after the screening, 43 articles were
    duplicates. Finally, 222 full-text articles were assessed in which 99 articles were not relevant.
    Out of 222 papers, 123 articles were included in the final study. The final selection of articles
    included in this study was categorized into four different steps: Identification, Screening,
    Eligibility and Inclusion. Figure 2 clearly depicts the preferred reporting items for systematic
    reviews and meta-analysis (PRISMA) diagrams of selected articles.

    Consequently, each article was placed in a Microsoft Excel file and information like the
    publication year, journal’s name, country, study type, antecedents, consequences, mediator
    and moderator variables were manually analyzed and entered. The articles were looking for
    terms like gender, age, ethnicity, workforce diversity, organizational diversity, team diversity
    and diversity management. This study has also examined the type of industry, respondents
    and methodology adopted in empirical studies. This process has been repeatedly carried out

    Surface-level diversity Deep-level diversity

    Job-oriented attributes Organizational tenure Knowledge
    Team tenure Skills
    Educational background Experience
    Functional background Abilities
    Occupational background

    Relations oriented attributes Sex Values
    Age Personality
    Race/ethnicity Social status
    Nationality Attitude

    Table 1.
    Typology of diversity


    management: a



    in all 123 articles and categorized into different themes. This discussion analyzes the
    outcomes of diversity at the individual, group and organizational levels to differentiate the
    effects of diversity. With this procedure, a complete picture of extant literature has
    represented in the findings section, which will help in developing the integrated model of
    diversity management.

    4. Results
    In order to develop a complete conceptual overview, a systematic review of 123 research
    articles has been carried out in this section, which depicts a comprehensive analysis of the
    included literature.

    Managing Diversity 1980

    Title VII of Civil Rights Act,

    1964 in USA

    Affirmative Action Law Equal Employment Opportunity

    Hudson report “Workforce 2000”

    by (Johnston & Packer, 1987)

    Diversity Management (Roosevelt.

    Thomas Jr., 1990)

    Harrison, Price &

    Bell, 1998

    Surface Level Diversity
    Age, Sex, Race, Ethnicity

    Deep Level Diversity
    Attitudes, Knowledge, Values, Skills

    Pelled ,

    Dimensions of Diversity

    High Visibility
    Age, Gender, Race

    Low Visibility
    Group, Tenure, Educational and

    Functional Background

    Milliken &

    Martins, 1996

    Observable Attributes
    Race, Age, Gender, Ethnicity,


    Underlying Attributes
    Personality, Socioeconomic,

    Functional, Educational, &

    Occupational background, Tenure

    Jackson, May, &

    Whitney, 1995

    Readily Detectable




    Task Related
    Organization & Team

    Tenure, Educational

    Task Related
    Knowledge, Skills,

    Abilities, Experience

    Relations Oriented
    Social status, Attitudes,

    Values, Personality

    Relations Oriented
    Age, Sex, Race,

    Ethnicity, Nationality

    Figure 1.
    Flow chart of the
    evolution of diversity
    management and
    dimensions of diversity



    4.1 Journal wise distribution of literature
    The final sample consists of a total of 123 articles drawn from 30 peer-reviewed journals
    published between 1991 and 2018 and dispersed in a five-year time interval. The last interval
    includes only three years of publications (2016–2018). The most frequently published papers
    in this discipline were identified in the following orders: Academy of Management Journal
    (16), Journal of Organizational Behavior (12), Journal of Management (8) and Academy of
    Management Review (7). A maximum of 16 papers was published in the Academy of
    Management Journal (AMJ). One of the reasons for the maximum number of publications in
    AMJ may be the foundation of diversity as a field of study within the Academy of
    Management (AOM) while another reason is the formalization of women in the management

    Automatic Search Process

    Database: References

    Google Scholar- 672

    JSTOR- 222

    Scopus- 309

    Sage- 584

    Additional record from Elsevier,

    Emeralds, Springer, Annual Reviews,

    PsycNET, and Wiley Library

    identified through reference section

    of included papers

    Total number of records identify

    database search

    (n = 1787)

    Total no of records

    (n = 68)

    Total number of records after

    screening on the basis of Title,

    Abstract and Keyword (TAK)

    (n = 213)

    Articles after screening on

    basis of Title, Abstract and

    Keyword (TAK) (n = 52)

    Excluded: 16


    Uploaded all file in Zotero software

    Records after removing duplication

    n = 265

    n = 43

    Full articles studies assessed for eligibility

    n = 222

    Total articles included in review paper

    N = 123




    Full articles

    excluded n = 99


    Figure 2.
    PRISMA flow diagram

    management: a



    research group and establishment of “Gender and Diversity in Organisations Division” in
    AOM in the year 1988 (Nkomo et al., 2019). The following rest publications in other journals
    have been depicted in Table 2.

    Journal title






    articles %

    Academy of Management

    3 6 3 2 2 16 13.01

    Journal of Organizational

    1 1 5 3 2 12 9.76

    Journal of Management 3 1 3 1 8 6.5
    Academy of Management

    6 1 7 5.69

    Academy of Management

    2 3 1 6 4.88

    Administrative Science

    1 3 2 6 4.88

    Group and Organization

    1 1 1 1 2 6 4.88

    Journal of Applied

    1 1 1 2 1 6 4.88

    Human Relations 1 2 2 5 4.07
    International Journal of
    Hospitality Management

    3 2 5 4.07

    Journal of Managerial Issues 2 1 2 5 4.07
    Public Administration

    1 2 2 5 4.07

    Human Resource

    1 2 1 4 3.25

    Public Administration

    1 3 4 3.25

    Public Personnel

    3 3 2.44

    Academy of Management
    Learning and Education

    1 1 2 1.63

    Cornell Hospitality Quarterly 1 1 2 1.63
    Cross-Cultural and Strategic

    2 2 1.63

    Employee Relations 1 1 2 1.63
    Human Resource
    Management Review

    1 1 2 1.63

    Journal of Business Ethics 2 2 1.63
    Organizational Science 1 1 2 1.63
    Organizational Behavior and
    Human Decision Processes

    1 1 2 1.63

    Personal Review 1 1 2 1.63
    Strategic Management

    1 1 2 1.63

    Annual Review of

    1 1 0.81

    Public Organization Review 1 1 0.81
    Research in Organizational

    1 1 0.81

    Sage Open 1 1 0.81
    Team Effectiveness and
    Decision making in

    1 1 0.81

    Total 13 29 18 24 25 14 123 100.0

    Table 2.
    Distribution of papers
    based on journal and
    time period



    4.2 Distribution based on year of publications
    The objective of this section was to categorize the articles according to publication year and
    know the year wise trends of published articles. Figure 3 delineates the year-wise publication
    of papers that found a maximum of nine papers in the year 1996, and a minimum of 1 article
    was published in 2002. Surprisingly, our analysis of results shows that from the year 1991–
    2002, there was a huge variation in the published papers because sometimes the number of
    papers has decreased and sometimes increased. However, if we leave the exceptional case in
    the year 2005, 2008 and 2014, it can be seen an average of four publications per year that
    represents the interest in diversity management discipline is gradually increasing,
    particularly from 2003 onward. Especially in the last ten years, there has been a
    considerable increment in the number of published articles. The increasing interest in
    diversity discipline has also been confirmed by a recently published article on diversity in
    Annual Reviews by Roberson (2019).











































































    Year Wise Distribution of Articles






    2018 Total %

    USA 9 26 13 14 12 6 80 65.04
    Canada 2 1 2 1 1 1 8 6.5
    Netherland 2 2 2 1 7 5.69

    4 3 7 5.69

    Australia 2 1 1 1 5 4.07
    India 1 1 1 3 2.44
    Ireland 1 1 2 1.63
    Germany 1 1 2 1.62
    China 1 1 0.81
    Cyprus 1 1 0.81
    France 1 1 0.81
    Hong Kong 1 1 0.81
    Japan 1 1 0.81
    Korea 1 1 0.81
    Malaysia 1 1 0.81
    Taiwan 1 1 0.81
    Thailand 1 1 0.81
    Total 13 29 18 24 25 14 123 100.0

    Figure 3.
    Number of

    publications on
    diversity management

    Table 3.
    Country-wise and time-

    period based
    distribution of papers

    management: a



    4.3 Country and time period-based classification of articles
    The purpose of this section was to identify the country, which has published the maximum
    number of articles in diversity research and why? It was easy to identify the country in the
    empirical paper based on collected data from the respondent’s countries, while in the
    conceptual paper, it was identified through the country of affiliation of the corresponding
    author. Table 3 represents the segregation of 123 published papers in seventeen countries. 65
    % of papers were published from the USA while 35 % of remaining papers have been
    published from Canada (6.5 %), Netherland (5.6 %), UK (5.6%), Australia (4.07%) and India
    (2.44%). A large number of research papers have been published from the USA due to the
    migration of labor forces, ethnic minorities and underrepresented groups in search of job
    opportunities, which may not be relevant in other national contexts (Schippers et al., 2003). In
    addition, the growing body of research published from the USA is due to the participation of
    members and the presence of women in the Academy of Management annual programs
    organized in the USA (Nkomo et al., 2019). The year-wise segregation of Table 3 depicts that
    at an early stage only five countries USA, Canada, Netherlands, Australia and Ireland have
    reviewed the problems of workforce diversity whereas similar problems have been
    encountered by the rest of the countries after the year 2005 and gradually they have also
    picked up research in this domain. Moreover, this finding is very similar to Joshi and Roh
    (2007), who have found 57% of the studies reviewed in the American context. Lesser number
    of studies in a country like India and China show that there should more research on diversity
    management because these are emerging countries and several MNCs are expanding their
    business markets.

    4.4 Industry-wise classification of articles
    The objective of industry-wise classification of articles was to identify the specific industry,
    where the highest number of research problems have been conducted. Diversity research-
    related data were collected from 29 industries. The significant industries include academic
    university (15.52), public sectors (12.07), hotels and restaurants (6.03), IT industry (6.03),
    manufacturing industry (6.03) and mix industry (8.62) respectively depicted in Table 4. The
    findings of Table 4 suggest that business schools and universities were the most influential
    industry where researchers have conducted the study and examined the effects of diversity in
    laboratories and classroom studies. One of the reasons for the maximum number of papers
    that have been published in academic universities may be due



    1. Go to the IAT website (Links to an external site.). Alternately, you can search for the “Implicit Association Test” using your search engine.
    2. Find the box on the left labeled “Project Implicit Social Attitudes.” You may want to proceed as a guest user rather than registering, so click “GO!” in the lower panel of the box, next to the U.S. English window.
    3. Read the information and disclaimer in the next window. Then, click “I wish to proceed.” Take the following tests: Race IAT; Age IAT; Gender- Career IAT; Disability IAT; Religion IAT; and Sexuality IAT.
    4. Learn more about the IAT by clicking the “Education” button on the top of the window after you finish the tests and then clicking “About the IAT.” Browse the rest of the site and, especially, read the “Frequently Asked Questions.
    5. Once you have completed the steps above, you can start draft



    1. What is an “implicit” attitude? How does implicit prejudice differ from affective prejudice, stereotypes, social distance, and modern racism? Hint: visit the Frequently Asked Questions (Links to an external site.) page of Project Implicit Social Attitudes for definitions of some of these concepts and other useful information
    2. If the test shows you have a preference for one group over another, does this mean that you are prejudiced against the less preferred group? Do you feel that the test accurately reflects your feelings and ideas? Why or why not? (Remember that your implicit attitudes can be quite different from your explicit or conscious attitudes.)
    3. Based on what we have read so far in this course, how can implicit attitudes affect a diverse workplace? Provide at least 2 examples, citing any two of the readings we have reviewed so far in the course.
    4. Should public administrators be trained to deal with implicit attitudes in the workplace? Why, why not?
    5. Were you personally surprised by the results of any of the tests (you do not have to disclose your results)? If the IAT shows that you have a group preference you would rather not have, what are some things you could do to change these preferences?
    6. Any other reflection you want to share?



    1. Zurbrugg & Miner (2016). Gender, sexual orientation, and workplace incivility: Who is most targeted and who is most harmed?
    2. Bishu & Headly (2020). Equal employment opportunity: Women bureaucrats in male-dominated professions.
    3. Hayes et al. (1995). Staffing for persons with disabilities: What is “fair” and what is “job-related”? 
    4. Mishra (1995). The ADA helps but not much.  


    Prompt:  address the critical elements below.

    III. Requirements

         A. Evaluate the extent to which stakeholder needs and system requirements were captured, using specific evidence to support your claims. For example, how were the needs for the system established? Was it market pull (by the users) or technology push (by the developers)? Which stakeholders were consulted? Was there a formal elicitation process used, and how successful was it?

         B. Evaluate the extent to which the needs were properly translated into engineering specifications, using specific evidence to support your claims. For example, how successfully were the true needs from the users and other stakeholders translated into “engineering-speak” requirements?

         C. Evaluate the extent to which the requirements gathering was well-managed, using specific evidence to support your claims. For example, how were the requirements managed to prevent “scope creep” throughout the systems engineering process?

    Guidelines for Submission: Your draft of the Requirements portion of your final project should adhere to the following formatting requirements: a 3 page Microsoft Word document, double spaced, using 12-point Times New Roman font and one-inch margins.

      • 13


      This case was prepared by Lynda Palmer of Pepperdine University’s Graziadio School of Business and Management. This case was

      developed solely as the basis for an E2B program class case project. Cases are not intended to serve as endorsements, sources of

      primary data, or illustrations of effective or ineffective management. No part of this publication or subsequent information provided by

      the company in this class case project may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, used in a spreadsheet, or transmitted in any form

      or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – beyond the duration of the class case project or for

      purposes other than the class case project without permission of the author and/or organization.

      MKTG 615.11, 615.14, 615.16
      Spring 2022
      Drescher Graduate Campus
      Professor Maderazzo and
      Professor Carroll

      Pepperdine E2B™ Case Project: Chick-fil-A

      “To Glorify God by Being a Faithful Steward of all that is Entrusted to us. To have a Positive

      Influence with All Who Come Into Contact with Chick-fil-A”

      Chick-fil-A Corporate Purpose

      Operating with the same guiding principles on which the company was founded, United States-based

      quick-serve restaurant, Chick-fil-A is looking to bring its beloved menu and culture to other parts of

      the globe. As a privately held organization, Chick-fil-A has the luxury of being able to make decisions

      focused on a long-term outlook and deeply embedded in its brand guardrails.

      Global expansion has been on Chick-fil-A’s radar and the management team is seeking information to

      help them assess which regions and countries would be the best fit. Senior Principal Talent Lead –

      International, Caleb Nicholson asks, “How do we think about growth moving forward? We have

      expanded into Puerto Rico and Canada and are in the strategic planning phases for expansion into other

      countries. We want to interact with international students to gain their perspectives on considerations

      and strategies for building the brand in international markets. This includes researching target countries

      and identifying countries that would be the best fit for Chick-fil-A expansion as well as developing

      marketing recommendations such as how the culture of Chick-Fil-A integrates into the country culture,

      which products Chick-fil-A should offer, and the best way to communicate about Chick-fil-A to create

      brand awareness.”

      Business Overview

      Headquartered in College Park, Georgia, Chick-fil-A was founded in 1946 by S. Truett Cathy with the

      first store opening in Atlanta’s Greenbrier Shopping Center. Since that time, Chick-fil-A has grown to

      over 2,900 storesi with the majority of its locations in the Southern region of the United States.ii Chick-

      fil-A is a quick-serve restaurant chain best known for its boneless chicken breast sandwich. It operates

      2 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      through a franchise-based model. It is the largest quick-service chicken restaurant chain in the United

      States based on annual system-wide sales, having generated $11 billion in 2019 and an estimated $11.7

      billion in 2020iii. With an eye on careful global expansion, Chick-fil-A has expanded to Puerto Rico

      and Canada and is looking to expand to other parts of the globe.

      Chick-fil-A has strong brand guardrails that emerge from its mission and initial roots. Chick-fil-A’s

      founder, Truett Cathy was a committed philanthropist and strongly focused on serving customers and

      empowering employees. Truett Cathy viewed his business as more than a source of revenue for his

      family: it was a source of encouragement to others.iv

      “We should be about more than just selling chicken. We should be a part of our customers’ lives and the

      communities in which we serve.”

      S. Truett Cathy

      Truett Cathy also had a unique approach to growth. He was less focused on growing Chick-fil-A, and

      more focused on creating a better offering. He believed if Chick-fil-A were better, its customers would

      demand that it grow bigger.v This belief permeates into the Chick-fil-A growth strategy. As a privately

      held company, Chick-fil-A is able to make strategic decisions that align with its mission and values.

      Many decisions are made with a long-term goal in mind. It is Chick-fil-A’s goal for its brand to remain

      prominent 100 years from now.

      International Expansion

      Chick-fil-A management has been evaluating international expansion by regions—Africa, Asia,

      Oceania, Latin America, Europe, Middle East and North America. Within each region, they look for an

      entry point that would have the highest rate of success and allow Chick-fil-A to adapt to the cultural

      uniqueness of the region. So far, international expansion has included Canada with four stores

      currently open and two planned to open prior to year-end 2021. Puerto Rico is also on the active

      expansion list with six store openings planned in 2022. All expansion is done through a franchise


      Chick-fil-A’s strategy is focused on a market taker versus a market maker approach, which means they

      would rather go into an existing market than create a market. Chick-fil-A management is looking for

      points of entry that already have a fast-casual, drive through and/or quick-serve market.

      Chick-fil-A adjusts its marketing mix for each market. Pricing is focused on a value-based pricing

      model—based on consumers’ perceived value of the offering. The branding and promotions approach

      in new territories have been focused on what Chick-fil-A is offering—quality and freshness of the food

      versus in the United States where the focus has been on who Chick-fil-A is as a hospitality brand. In

      the United States, Chick-fil-A advertising is done on a local basis (with corporate-approved ads) but in

      new entry points, Chick-fil-A intends to do more national advertising to create brand awareness.

      For product adjustments, Chick-fil-A focuses on what they do best, chicken, as their core product but

      management also researches the flavor profile of what consumers in that region want and adds

      dressings, salads, side dishes, and drinks to align with the local flavor profile. For example, Canadians

      are heavy coffee consumers so one of the beverages offered in the Canadian market is a roasted local

      blend. Puerto Ricans are heavy espresso consumers so espresso is offered on the Puerto Rican menu.

      3 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      Additionally, different chicken offerings might sell better in one region versus another. The spicy

      flavor chicken is selling much more in Canada than in the United States.


      As Chick-fil-A’s first international expansion, Canada was an easy choice. First of all, Canada’s

      proximity to the United States was conducive to supply chain logistics. Additionally, data showed, per

      capita, Canadians consumed the second most amounts of fast -ood next to the United States and their

      most desired protein was chicken.

      Puerto Rico

      Puerto Rico was chosen as an entry point into the Latin American market. Even though Puerto Rico is

      a United States territory, its culture is closer to Latin American culture. Additionally, of all the Latin

      American countries, Puerto Rico has the strongest economy. Chick-fil-A management believes the

      Puerto Rico market will provide a strong entry point to explore the brand in the Spanish language.

      Every country has a governing body that has information on the state of the restaurant industry in that

      country. When researching Canada, Chick-fil-A used Restaurants Canada. Students are encouraged to

      find the restaurant industry associations in the countries they are researching.

      Industry Background

      The global fast-food restaurant industry generated revenues of $797.7billion in 2021which is expected

      to increase 8.4% as demand returns from the COVID decline. Industry growth rate is expected to

      increase 3% annually to $925 billion in 2021.vi

      The industry is approaching saturation in many developed countries resulting from oversupply and

      extensive franchising. Because of the saturation, many operators are looking to emerging economies

      such as Asia, Russia, South American, and India. These economies are expected to account for a small

      percentage of the industry revenue near term; they are expected to expand due to substantial population

      growth and increased per capita income.vii

      Competitive Landscape

      US Market

      Chick-fil-A is the market share leader in the US fast-food chicken franchise market with 38.9% market

      shareviii followed by KFC with a 14% market share. KFC is a subsidiary of Yum! Brands (Yum), one

      of the World’s most notable and popular fast-food chicken restaurants with over 50,170 company-

      owned, franchised, and licensed restaurants including 23,759 franchised KFC restaurants. Yum has

      aggressively opened restaurants in China (mostly KFC) but in 2017, moved its China-based businesses

      into a separate entity.ix

      Popeye’s Louisiana Kitchen, Inc. has a 13.4% market share in the US market with 3,102 restaurants

      and reported over $4.4 billion in total revenue for 2019. In 2017, Popeye’s was purchased by

      Restaurant Brands International for $1.8 billion.x

      Zaxby’s Franchising LLC with 900 restaurants in the Southeastern US has a 4.4% market share and

      Bojangles’ Inc. with 750 restaurants and $1.3 billion in global revenues holds a 2.2% market share.xi

      4 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      Global Fast Food

      McDonald’s corporation, which generated global revenue of $19.2 billion in 2020, has the largest

      market share of the global fast-food market at 12.7%*. Yum! Brands generated global revenues of

      $15.9 billion and holds a 10.3%* market share. With global revenues of $21.7 billion, the Burger King

      brand accounted for 2.7%* market share. Subway holds a 2.3% *share of the global market and

      generated $18.5 billion in global industry relevant revenue.xii

      *market share is based on system-wide sales which includes revenue earned from franchised and

      company-owned stores

      Project Objectives

      Chick-fil-A has successfully expanded into Canada and Puerto Rico and is looking for other areas in

      which to expand. Nicholson explains, “How do we take this brand into other markets? We know who

      we are. Which other markets will embrace our brand?”

      The objective of this project is to perform the necessary research and analysis activities to recommend

      which country would be the next logical entry point for Chick-fil-A’s global expansion and to develop

      a marketing plan to enter that market.

      Project Deliverables

      Part 1: Research, analysis, and presentation of the top two potential countries for Chick-fil-A to enter.

      During Part 1 of this project, Pepperdine E2B Teams will be involved in the research and analysis of

      the global market and develop a recommendation to the Chick-Fil-A team of which two countries

      would be the best potential markets. The client will choose one of the two recommended markets for

      each team to focus on for Part 2 of the project.

      Part 2: Recommendation for market entry

      During Part 2 of this project, Pepperdine E2B Team will develop a go-to-market strategy in their

      assigned country for Chick-fil-A’s market entry.

      See components outline below for final project deliverables.

      Components Outline Comments

      Executive Summary

      Team Member Bios

      Table Of Contents

      Situation Analysis Information provided in this document– students to summarize in

      this section of their report

      Industry Analysis What market (or segment of the market) does the company’s

      products compete in? Look at US and Global.

      Supply Structure Define the major players in the market

      Drivers Identify the principal external factors that may have either a

      positive or negative influence on market demand

      Trends Outline the factors that may influence purchase behavior of your


      5 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      Growth Cite growth rates for industry, sub-segment and product categories

      Company Analysis Identify important elements about the company and its offerings.

      Culture and structure What is the culture of the company, What is its organizational

      structure, operational structure, financial structure?

      Product Describe the company’s product offerings, competitive advantage,

      value proposition, markets served, and distribution strategy.

      Customer Analysis Who will use this product?

      Demographics/ Geographics B2C- Evaluate customers by age, gender, nationality, education,

      household composition, occupation and income

      Market Psychographics (only

      applicable for Consumer


      B2C-Categorize existing and potential consumer market on the

      basis of lifestyle or personality attributes

      Behaviors Define behavioral variables, such as occasions that stimulate a

      purchase, the benefits users realize, user status, usage rate, loyalty,

      buyer-readiness stage, and attitude toward the product offering.

      Needs Define customer needs most relevant or critical to satisfy.

      Segmentation Model/diagram – using relevant insights from subsections above

      Country Analysis

      Culture Identify cultural norms and values that may have a positive or

      negative impact on Chick-fil-A.

      Size of the market How large is the potential market?

      Restaurant market trends Assess the fast-food/quick-serve and drive-through restaurant

      industry and trends.

      Competitors Assess the competitors.

      Legal requirements Are there testing, certifications, or other legal requirements to be

      aware of?

      Operational issues Where will the talent pool come from to work at the Chick-fil-A


      Products Will products, labeling or packaging need to be modified?

      Pricing Is the price point appealing?

      Distribution How should the product be distributed?

      Promotion What considerations need to be made when promoting the product?

      SWOT Analysis Present in table format. Provide an overview of the company’s key

      strengths and weaknesses and summarize the key external market

      factors (as opportunities or threats) from industry, customer and

      competitive analysis sections.

      Marketing Objectives Identify the next global market for Chick-fil-A to enter and develop

      a go-to-market strategy.

      Marketing Strategies

      Country recommendation Identify the recommended country of entry

      Target Markets

      Define consumer segments the company should focus their

      marketing efforts and map the Consumer Journey

      Positioning Define the best positioning for the brand. Positioning statements are

      for internal use (versus an externally focused advertising slogan).

      6 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      Positioning should be supported by a positioning map that defines

      key consumer benefits and competitive landscape. Framework:

      For (target customer) who (statement of need/opportunity), (brand)

      is (product/service category) that (statement of benefit), unlike

      (primary competitive alternatives), (brand) (statement of primary


      Marketing Mix

      Product Recommend product augmentations

      Pricing Strategy Recommend pricing strategy

      Promotional Strategy This section specifies the message, what marketing

      communications channels — advertising, sales promotion, public

      relations, events, direct marketing, interactive/internet, and personal

      selling —should be used to spread the message to the target market,

      and within the communication channel what specific media,

      promotions, events, etc. will be most effective in reaching the target

      market. Consideration should be given to use of both Inbound and

      Outbound marketing (see Figure 1: Inbound vs. Outbound


      Service Strategy Define what customers expect (i.e., customer support, training). By

      whom and how will this support be delivered?

      Distribution Strategy Define how the offering gets from the producer to the end user.

      References APA 7th format: http://www.apastyle.org/


      Project Primary Research Each team is required to conduct qualitative primary research to

      provide directional data to support their recommended marketing

      strategy. Your research objective, methodology, instrument and

      summary of findings should be included in this section.

      Public and Private Secondary Resources

      Pepperdine Library Databases

      Students are required to make extensive use of Pepperdine Library databases for this project. See

      Pepperdine Libraries E2B Library InfoGuide (LINK), which highlights databases for researching and

      supporting marketing plan development.

      7 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      In addition, students’ research should include other sources of information and statistics from trade

      associations, think-tanks, management consulting firms, and government agencies, such as:

      − Nielsen Consumer Insights http://www.nielsen.com
      − McKinsey’s Consumer Insights http://www.mckinsey.com/
      − Pew Research Center http://www.pewresearch.org/
      − Accenture https://www.accenture.com
      − PriceWaterhouseCoopers http://www.pwc.com/us/en/publications.html


      All confidential and/or proprietary information provided by the client, consisting but not necessarily

      limited to business information (e.g., company name, employee contact information, product

      information, customer lists, pricing data, financial data, marketing data, research, and/or production,

      distribution, selling, merchandising systems or plans) and technical information (e.g., methods,

      processes, formulas, compositions, systems, techniques, inventions, machines, computer programs, and

      research projects), may only be disclosed and/or used as authorized by the client company for purposes

      of carrying out the class case project for the client company. Please refer to terms of the signed

      Restricted Use Agreement.

      Communication Protocol & Engagement with Client

      While a large part of the work that you will be undertaking in the project is self-directed, it is

      imperative that your team proactively reaches out to your client (beyond the three scheduled in-class

      client meetings) to develop the relationship. Creating great marketing plans for your client, involves

      your client. Client engagement should include:

      ✓ imparting knowledge learned through your market research —to validate understanding or to
      identify knowledge gaps that can be addressed through your work

      ✓ asking questions—questions to gain new information, questions to validate data or reveal
      discrepancies, questions to better understand your clients perspective (opinions, feelings,

      attitudes), questions to advance buy-in

      8 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      ✓ trial balloons—sharing strategies and/or tactics with your client before your presentation to
      gain their reaction, allowing your team time to solidify your proposal.

      To ensure the most efficient means of communication with your client, the team communication leader

      should be the primary interface with your client. Requests for engagement should be thought out and

      initiated through email. In some instances email exchange may be the appropriate communication

      medium for engaging with the client. In other instances, a site-visit, video or phone call may be the

      more appropriate medium. Some clients are more hands-off and others expect interaction. The team

      should work with their client to ascertain their communication and engagement preferences.

      Use of Cloud-based Presentation Software

      If your team is inclined to use a cloud-based service for team collaboration, please use your Pepperdine

      Google Apps (GLEAN) or a secure hosting service such as Dropbox. Cloud-based presentation

      software services like PREZI may not be used, unless you have a premium subscription that allows

      you privacy control. The free version of PREZI does not provide users with privacy controls—all

      presentations are automatically made “public and reusable”—which is a violation of the terms of your

      Restricted Use Agreement.

      Company provided information

      Please make sure to view all company provided information in Sakai or 2PEP

      Project Expectations

      Students Company

      ▪ Class will be broken into teams of 3–5-

      ▪ Each student team will conduct a 15–20-
      minute live meeting with the company

      stakeholders mid-trimester to present key

      insights and gain approval on the

      recommended marketing strategy

      ▪ Each student team will produce a 20–25-
      page comprehensive report (per syllabus)

      ▪ Each student team will deliver a 15–20-
      minute oral live presentation highlighting

      key elements of their report to the company

      stakeholders at the final class session

      ▪ Present a 45 minute company/project
      briefing to class

      ▪ Make agreed-upon information available to
      students to complete project

      ▪ Make company subject matter experts and/or
      project stakeholders available to answer

      student questions relative to the project

      ▪ Attend the two classes designated for project
      student presentations and provide feedback

      as necessary

      ▪ Complete an online survey evaluation for
      each team.

      Evaluation Criteria

      • Depth … analyze with astute insight, comprehension and intelligence

      • Substance … give specific information; ensure adequate coverage of information

      • Thoroughness … develop comprehensively

      • Proportion … achieve appropriate balance

      • Pertinence … preserve relevance throughout

      • Evidence … validate, authenticate consistently (describe your research and cite resources)

      9 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      • Precision … be exact, include specific examples and details

      • Clarity … clearly present results of analysis; effectively use tables and figures

      • Coherence … maintain connectedness, cohesion, organization

      Company Contact Information

      Company Address: 5200 Buffington Road, Atlanta, GA 30349

      Name Title Email Address Phone Number

      Caleb Nicholson

      Senior Principal

      Talent Lead –




      10 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      Key Company Participation Dates

      Activity When

      1. Company Project Briefing to Class
      Project company will brief the class on their organization, industry,

      current situation and project request in a video presentation. View here




      Passcode: at5#&+pU

      Available for viewing upon

      submission of signed RUA.

      Please view prior to

      company Q and A session.

      2. Company Virtual Tour
      Students must participate in a Chick-fi-A Backstage virtual tour prior to

      the Q and A session. Sign up here



      Please tour prior to

      company Q and A session.

      3. Company Q and A Session-Via Zoom
      Your professor will host a live question and answer session with the

      company’s executives. Briefing video and company tour must be

      completed prior to the Q and A session. Note this session will be


      Monday 1/3/22

      3:00 pm, 6:00 pm

      Wednesday 1/12/22

      6:00 pm

      4. Company SITE visit
      Student teams are required to visit and Chick-fil-A restaurant.

      Required prior to the

      midpoint presentation

      5. MID-POINT Presentations-Live
      Student teams will have 15 minutes to individually present their

      preliminary market insights to company management and directionally

      verbalize their recommended strategy, followed by 10 minutes of

      company Q&A. ONLY the student team presenting is in the classroom.

      Monday 2/28/22

      1:00 pm, 6:00 pm

      Wednesday 3/2/22

      6:00 pm

      6. Final Report submission and Presentation of Recommendations:
      Venue TBD

      Students will submit their final reports electronically to the company

      executives on the project contact list for review and evaluation. Student

      teams will have 15 minutes to present an executive summary of their

      recommendation; followed by 10 minutes of company Q & A. ALL

      students are present in the classroom.

      Monday 4/11/22

      1:00 pm, 6:00 pm

      Wednesday 4/13/22

      6:00 pm

      7. Final Evaluation Forms DUE
      Company will complete one evaluation form for each of the individual

      teams and submit it to the professor electronically.


      Via weblink

      11 | P a g e E 2 B C a s e D o c u m e n t

      C o n f i d e n t i a l D o n o t c o p y

      IMPORTANT NOTE: When communicating with people or organizations outside of PGBS or the

      client in search of information, guidance, or advice of any kind, it is imperative that you keep the

      identity of your E2B Client strictly confidential unless you have explicit permission in writing from the

      client additional clarification, please consult your Professor.

      i History. Chick-fil-A. (n.d.). Retrieved October 6, 2021, from https://www.chick-fil-a.com/about/history.
      ii Le, T. (2021). Fast Food Chicken Franchises. IBISWorld Industry Report OD5544.
      iii IBID
      iv History. Chick-fil-A. (n.d.). Retrieved October 6, 2021, from https://www.chick-fil-a.com/about/history.
      v Chick-fil-A Virtual Tour. (2021, October). other.
      vi Buchko, M. (2021). Global Fast Food Restaurants. IBISWorld Industry Report G4621-GL.
      vii IBID
      viii Le, T. (2021). Fast Food Chicken Franchises. IBISWorld Industry Report OD5544.
      ix IBID
      x IBID
      xi IBID
      xii Buchko, M. (2021). Global Fast Food Restaurants. IBISWorld Industry Report G4621-GL.


      The following components should appear together in one document in your submission. Use the Milestone 1 Template Download Milestone 1 Templateto assemble your finished product:  

      1. The topic you selected (it must be one of the choices in this list).
      2. One source from the Excelsior College Library on your topic. (This does not need to be in APA format but must include the title, date, author, and a link to the source. Your source cannot be the associated research starter article linked in the chart above. It cannot come from a Google Search.)
      3. At least three interesting or troubling facts about the topic that comes from your source listed above. (These should be written in your own words and not copy/pasted directly from the source.)
      4. At least three questions you have about this topic and how it might impact the future of our society. (You do not need to have answers to these questions yet, just pose the questions for now.  Aim for “why” questions rather than “what”. These are the questions that will drive your research in the next few weeks and help you to find the most useful sources.)
      5. A short paragraph (approx. 200-250 words) reflecting on this process. (Consider the following as you reflect: why did you choose this topic? Do you think you have any biases toward a certain perspective on it? How will you try to minimize your own biases as you conduct research? Did you find it difficult to find a source or come up with questions about your topic or to think about how this topic relates to the future?)

      Put all five components into the Milestone 1 Template Download Milestone 1 Templateand submit the finished document to the dropbox by Sunday night of Module 1. Scroll to the top of the page to locate the submission button.

      You will receive feedback from your instructor during the first half of Module 2. Make sure to read and utilize that feedback as you work on the next milestone in Module 2.


      Brainstorming and Searching for Sources

      Last week you chose a final project topic and began the research process. This week you will narrow your focus and find some preliminary sources. 

      Make sure you read and incorporate your instructor’s feedback on your Milestone 1 submission. You will receive a grade and feedback by Thursday of Module 2 at the latest.  

      Begin by reading pages 2.11 through 2.13 in the webtext and then begin the steps below.

      Step 1: Freewriting

      The first step to brainstorming is to harness your brain’s energy around a topic (aka create the “storm”).  Many professional writers do this by freewriting about a topic for a set amount of time. This helps exercise your writing muscle and broaden your thinking on your topic.  For this exercise, set a timer for 10 minutes.  During this time write down anything that comes to mind about your topic.  Don’t stop until the timer goes off!  You don’t need to worry about proper spelling or sentence structure, just think broadly, pose questions, wonder, consider, and write what you already know about your topic. Think about the facts and questions you posed last week and how your instructor responded to them. You can choose to do this with a pen and paper or on a computer. You don’t need to submit this step with your finished product so feel free to experiment.

      For example, if my topic choice is climate change my free-write might look something like this:  

      I chose climate change as my topic. I don’t know much about it but I know that when people say climate change they really mean warmer temperatures on Earth, sometimes it’s called global warming. I have heard that sea levels are rising and the ocean is getting warmer. This is causing ice caps to melt. What is causing it? The article I read last week talked about greenhouse gases and fossil fuels. Does everyone agree that climate change is happening? I don’t think so. Sometimes you hear on the news that politicians or TV personalities talk about climate change being made up, I’m not sure if that’s true. It seems like when you hear scientists talk about it they’re more certain that it’s a problem. Why does it seem like everyone talks about climate change as a problem but nothing ever actually changes? I think electric cars are a good idea but too expensive for me to buy, I wonder how they can bring them down in price so more people will switch from gas. I saw that movie that Al Gore made about global warming, but I don’t remember what it was called. Are alternative energy sources like wind farms and solar power really enough to make a big change? What are other countries doing? What would it take to end climate change entirely at this point or is that impossible?

      The end result might be a mess! It might look nothing like the example above. That’s ok! The purpose of this activity is to get your thoughts out on paper so you can begin to filter and narrow them.

      See the Milestone 2 Template Download Milestone 2 Templatefor examples of each of the steps below:

      Step 2: Making a List

      The next step is to use your free-write paragraph to help narrow your area focus. The topic choices from Module 1 are too broad to cover adequately in a short research paper, so you need to find one subject or idea within that topic. Pull out the important ideas from your paragraph that could be useful directions of focus. Aim for at least 7 different ideas to pull out and list in bullets.

      Step 3: Describing Your Topic and Finding Your Keywords

      As you’ve been working on this you may find that certain ideas are standing out to you as more intriguing avenues for research. Now, pick one of these ideas and write one to two sentences describing your narrowed topic.

      Step 4: Thinking of Synonyms

      Next, underline at least 5-6 key terms and phrases in your description. Then, for each underlined word, come up with 2-3 synonyms, abbreviations, acronyms, or alternative terms to describe it. You can use a thesaurus (Links to an external site.) to help you with this. This step is crucial to finding useful sources to use in your paper because the sources you’re looking for may not appear if you search for one keyword but will appear with another.

      Step 5: Searching the Library

      The synonyms now give you a great list of keywords to use to search the Excelsior College Library for sources.

      For this stage, we will NOT be using Google or other internet search engines to find sources. It is important to first understand how to effectively use our Excelsior College Library to find appropriate, scholarly sources. While you can find these types of sources through a Google search as well, you often have to search through and distinguish between many inappropriate sources as well. In later weeks, we’ll learn more about assessing the validity of information on the internet.

      Begin by going to the Library Home page (Links to an external site.) and using the OneSearch tool. Try several combinations of your keywords and synonyms to see what types of sources come up. (Tip: view Library searching tips and tricks (Links to an external site.) and try using search tricks like AND, OR, *, or “ ” to change your results). Then, try an Advanced Search (Links to an external site.) within the OneSearch tool to narrow your results further. View the following video on conducting an Advanced Search. (Links to an external site.) In addition to changing your keywords and filters, trying limiting your results by date (look for more recent articles) or by source type (look for Scholarly Peer-Reviewed Journals). This will help you find higher-quality sources that are more likely to be useful to you in later weeks.

      Find at least 6 sources that are relevant to your topic. They can be ebooks, journal articles, encyclopedia articles, news, and periodicals, etc. You may use the source you found last week if it still relates to your more narrowed topic. If not, scrap it and start fresh. The sources you find this week may not end up being the final sources you use for your paper, but they are a good way to get started on your narrower area of focus.

      Try to put your sources in APA format in your final submission. You will not be graded on your strict adherence to proper APA format yet, but it is important to practice this skill as you will need to use it effectively later on in the course. Make sure to include the URL, the author (if there is one), the title of the article/book, and date. * Note: Not all source types require a URL in APA format, but make sure to include one for this assignment so your instructor can view your source if needed.  Follow these instructions  (Links to an external site.)to generate a permanent link to an item in the library.  Do not just copy the URL from your web browser.


      Submission  Instructions

      Once you’ve completed the steps above, submit the following in one document to the dropbox by Sunday evening of Module 2. Use the Milestone 2 template Download Milestone 2 templateto see examples of each step and assemble the finished product:

      1. Your list of at least 7 narrowed ideas on your topic from the free-write activity
      2. Your 1-2 sentence description of your narrowed topic with at least 5-6 key terms and phrases underlined
      3. At least 2-3 synonyms for each of the 5-6 key terms or phrases
      4. Six sources on your topic from the Excelsior Library advanced search (including author, title, date, and URL)

      Put all four components into the Milestone 2 Template Download Milestone 2 Templateand submit the finished document to the dropbox by Sunday night of Module 1.