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Chapter Learning Objectives:
To read these particular portions of the chapter, please click on the links below and you will be taken to that section of the book. 
9.1 What Is Social Stratification?

• Differentiate between open and closed stratification systems
• Distinguish between caste and class systems
• Understand meritocracy as an ideal system of stratification
9.2 Social Stratification and Mobility in the United States

• Understand the U.S. class structure
• Describe several types of social mobility
• Recognize characteristics that define and identify class
9.3 Global Stratification and Inequality

• Define global stratification
• Describe different sociological models for understanding global stratification
• Understand how studies of global stratification identify worldwide inequalities
9.4 Theoretical Perspectives on Social Stratification

• Understand and apply functionalist, conflict theory, and interactionist perspectives on social stratification
Instructions: 
For this week, you should review each section in the chapter reading and complete your chapter recap assignment and/or discussion board. You should also review all supplemental readings and/or videos that are provided for you in the module. Please remember that your responses for the chapter recap assignment should be approximately 5 to 7 sentences in length per question set (not individual questions). You should only upload word or pdf files (please DO NOT upload .pages files). Additionally, your discussion board responses are due on Friday (initial response to the discussion prompt) and Sunday (respond to at least TWO of your classmates posts). Your posts should also be approximately 5 to 7 sentences in length per question set (not individual questions). Please let me know if you have any questions concerns about the assignments. 
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Sociology homework help

Discussion q 5

How do you think audiences are best motivated? 1page

Disc q6

How do you ethics affect your persuasion?(1page)

Sociology homework help

Choose one social movement that has occurred within yours or your parent’s life time and discuss its effects, or lack of same.  Consider why the movement worked or failed.

Response Parameters

· Minimum 250-word response. Use APA citations as needed

Sociology homework help

SI300205 Page 244 Thursday, April 12, 2007 11:01 AM

SI300205 Page 246 Thursday, April 12, 2007 11:01 AM

SI300205 Page 244 Thursday, April 12, 2007 11:01 AM

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity Author(s): David Grazian

Source: Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Spring 2007), pp. 221-243

Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/si.2007.30.2.221

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The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

David Grazian

University of Pennsylvania

The purpose of this article is to document the collective nature of gender performance and sexual pursuit, activities typically associated with individual rather than group behavior. Drawing on narrative accounts, I analyze how young heterosexual male students employ the power of collective rituals of homosociality to perform sexual competence and masculine identity by “girl hunting” in the context of urban nightlife. These rituals are designed to reinforce dominant sexual myths and expectations of masculine behavior, boost confidence in one’s performance of masculinity and heterosexual power, and assist in the performance of masculinity in the presence of women. This analysis illustrates how contemporary courtship rituals operate as collective strategies of impression management that men perform not only for women but for other men. In doing so, interaction rituals associated with the girl hunt reproduce structures of inequality within as well as across the socially constructed gender divide between women and men.

From Chicago’s jazz cabarets to New York’s gay discos to Las Vegas’s strip clubs, sexualized environments have historically defined downtown zones of urban nightlife (Bernstein 2001; Chatterton and Hollands 2003; Chauncey 1994; Kenney 1993; Owen 2003). Hot nightclubs and cool lounges enforce sexualized norms of dress and body adornment and invite flirtation, innuendo, and physical contact among patrons engaged in rituals of courtship. Nightspots also rely on the attractiveness of service staff and the promise of eroticized interaction to recruit customers (Allison 1994; Lloyd 2005; Spradley and Mann 1975), while sexual relations among staff are frequently the norm (Giuffre and Williams 1994). Moreover, young urbanites identify downtown clusters of nightclubs as direct sexual marketplaces, or markets for singles seeking casual encounters with potential sex partners (Laumann et al. 2004).

For these reasons, scenes of urban nightlife serve as particularly fitting sites for observing how men and women enact gender as a routine accomplishment in everyday

Direct all correspondence to David Grazian, Department of Sociology, 290 McNeil Building, 3718 Locust Walk, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6299; email: dgrazian@soc.upenn.edu.


Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 30, Issue 2, pp. 221–243, ISSN 0195-6086, electronic ISSN 1533-8665. © 2007 by the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, at http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/si.2007.30.2.221.

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life (West and Zimmerman 1987). In this article I examine girl hunting—a practice whereby adolescent heterosexual men aggressively seek out female sexual partners in nightclubs, bars, and other public arenas of commercialized entertainment. Recent sociological studies of sexual behavior analyze courtship patterns in relatively normative terms, concentrating on the logistics of sex partnering and mate selection in cities (Laumann et al. 2004). In contrast, in this article I wish to emphasize the more performative nature of contemporary flirtation rituals by examining how male-initiated games of heterosexual pursuit function as strategies of impression management in which young men sexually objectify women to heighten their own performance of masculinity. While we typically see public sexual behavior as an interaction between individuals, I illustrate how these rituals operate as collective and homosocial group activities conducted in the company of men.

THE PERFORMANCE OF MASCULINITY AS COLLECTIVE ACTIVITY

According to the symbolic interactionist perspective, masculinity represents a range of dramaturgical performances individuals exhibit through face-to-face interaction (Goffman 1959, 1977; West and Zimmerman 1987). Like femininity, masculinity is not innate but an accomplishment of human behavior that appears natural because gendered individuals adhere to an institutionalized set of myths they learn through everyday interactions and encounters, and thus accept as social reality (Goffman 1977; West and Zimmerman 1987). Throughout their formative years and beyond, young men are encouraged by their parents, teachers, coaches, and peers to adopt a socially constructed vision of manhood, a set of cultural beliefs that prescribe what men ought to be like: physically strong, powerful, independent, self-confident, efficacious, dominant, active, persistent, responsible, dependable, aggressive, courageous, and sexually potent (Donaldson 1993; Messner 2002; Mishkind et al. 1986). In the fantasies of many boys and men alike, a relentless competitive spirit, distant emotional detachment, and an insatiable heterosexual desire, all commonly (but not exclusively) displayed by the sexual objectification of women (Bird 1996), characterize idealized masculinity.

Essentialist visions of masculinity obscure how both women and men resist, challenge, and renegotiate the meanings surrounding masculinity and femininity in their everyday lives (Chapkis 1986; Connell 1987, 1992, 1993, 1995; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Donaldson 1993; Hollander 2002). The inevitable disconnect between dominant expectations of normative masculinity, on the one hand, and actualized efforts at what West and Zimmerman (1987) refer to as “doing gender” as a dramaturgical performance, on the other, presents a challenging problem for men, particularly because “the number of men rigorously practicing the hegemonic pattern in its entirety may be quite small” (Connell 1995:79). It is an especially acute dilemma for young men of college age (18–25) who, as “emerging adults” (Arnett 1994, 2000), display many of the physical traits of early adulthood along with the emotional immaturity, diminutive body image, and sexual insecurities of late adolescence (Mishkind et al. 1986).

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The competitive ritual of girl hunting epitomizes this dilemma, as heterosexual adolescent males aggressively seek out female sexual partners in dance clubs, cocktail lounges, and other public arenas of commercialized entertainment in the city at night. While courtship rituals are by no means confined to nightlife settings—as evidenced by the relatively large numbers of romantic couples who meet through work and school (Michael et al. 1995:72)—in American culture, bars and nightclubs are widely considered more normative environments for actively pursuing anonymous sexual partners in a strategic manner (Laumann et al. 2004). In contrast to occupational and educational domains in which masculine power can be signaled by professional success and intellectual superiority, sexual prowess is a primary signifier of masculinity in the context of urban nightlife.1 Indeed, the importance placed on competitive “scoring” (Messner 2002) among men in the highly gendered universe of cocktail lounges and singles bars should not be underestimated.

However, a wealth of data suggests that, contrary to representations of urban nightlife in popular culture, such as Candace Bushnell’s novel Sex and the City ([1996] 2001) and its HBO television spin-off, rumors of the proverbial one-night stand have been greatly exaggerated (Williams 2005). According to the National Health and Social Life Survey, relatively few men (16.7 percent) and even fewer women (5.5 percent) report engaging in sexual activity with a member of the opposite sex within two days of meeting them (Laumann et al. 1994:239).2 About 90 percent of women aged eighteen to forty-four report that they find having sex with a stranger unappealing (Laumann et al. 1994:163–65). Findings from the Chicago Health and Social Life Survey demonstrate that, across a variety of city neighborhood types, typically less than one-fifth of heterosexual adults aged eighteen to fifty-nine report having met their most recent sexual partner in a bar, nightclub, or dance club (Mahay and Laumann 2004:74).3

Moreover, the efficacy of girl hunting is constrained by women’s ability to resist unwanted sexual advances in public, as well as to initiate their own searches for desirable sex partners. Whereas the ideological basis of girl hunting stresses vulnerability, weakness, and submissiveness as conventional markers of femininity, young women commonly challenge these stereotypes by articulating their own physical strength, emotional self-reliance, and quick wit during face-to-face encounters with men (Duneier and Molotch 1999; Hollander 2002; Paules 1991; Snow et al. 1991).

For all these reasons, girl hunting would not seem to serve as an especially efficacious strategy for locating sexual partners, particularly when compared with other methods (such as meeting through mutual friends, colleagues, classmates, or other trusted third parties; common participation in an educational or recreational activity; or shared membership in a civic or religious organization). In fact, the statistical rareness of the one-night stand may help explain why successful lotharios are granted such glorified status and prestige among their peers in the first place (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005:851). But if this is the case, then why do adolescent men persist in hassling women in public through aggressive sexual advances and pickup attempts (Duneier and Molotch 1999; Snow et al. 1991; Whyte 1988), particularly when their chances of meeting sex partners in this manner are so slim?

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I argue that framing the question in this manner misrepresents the actual sociological behavior represented by the girl hunt, particularly since adolescent males do not necessarily engage in girl hunting to generate sexual relationships, even on a drunken short-term basis. Instead, three counterintuitive attributes characterize the girl hunt. First, the girl hunt is as much ritualistic and performative as it is utilitarian—it is a social drama through which young men perform their interpretations of manhood. Second, as demonstrated by prior studies (Martin and Hummer 1989; Polk 1994; Sanday 1990; Thorne and Luria 1986), girl hunting is not always a purely heterosexual pursuit but can also take the form of an inherently homosocial activity. Here, one’s male peers are the intended audience for competitive games of sexual reputation and peer status, public displays of situational dominance and rule transgression, and in-group rituals of solidarity and loyalty. Finally, the emotional effort and logistical deftness required by rituals of sexual pursuit (and by extension the public performance of masculinity itself) encourage some young men to seek out safety in numbers by participating in the girl hunt as a kind of collective activity, in which they enjoy the social and psychological resources generated by group cohesion and dramaturgical teamwork (Goffman 1959). Although tales of sexual adventure traditionally feature a single male hero, such as Casanova, the performance of heterosexual conquest more often resembles the exploits of the dashing Christian de Neuvillette and his better-spoken coconspirator Cyrano de Bergerac (Rostand 1897). By aligning themselves with similarly oriented accomplices, many young men convince themselves of the importance and efficacy of the girl hunt (despite its poor track record), summon the courage to pursue their female targets (however clumsily), and assist one another in “mobilizing masculinity” (Martin 2001) through a collective performance of gender and heterosexuality.

In this article, I focus on the ritual of girl hunting to analyze how heterosexual young men perform masculinity as a collective activity in the context of urban nightlife. Drawing on their self-reported narrative accounts, I document how these young men employ a set of collective “hunting” strategies designed to (1) reinforce what I call “the myth of the pickup” and other dominant expectations of masculine behavior; (2) boost confidence in one’s performance of masculinity and heterosexual power; and (3) assist in the performance of masculinity in the presence of women. I am not suggesting that the presentation of a masculine self and its attendant peer status serves as the only desired or stated purpose or outcome of the girl hunt, as this activity is also clearly motivated by physical and romantic pleasure seeking (Collins 2004). It is also not my intention to suggest that all young men follow the protocols of girl hunting as collective activity in their sexual pursuits. Rather, in this article I wish to illustrate how groups of young heterosexual men employ the power of collective rituals of homosociality to perform heterosexual competence and masculine identity in the public context of urban nightlife, and to show how these rituals reproduce structures of inequality within as well as across the socially constructed gender divide between women and men.

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METHODS AND DATA

I draw on firsthand narrative accounts provided by 243 heterosexual male college students attending the University of Pennsylvania, an Ivy League research university situated in Philadelphia. These data represent part of a larger study involving approximately 600 college students (both men and women). The study was conducted at Penn among all students enrolled in one of two semester terms of a sociology course on media and popular culture taught by me during the 2003–4 academic year.4 Respondents were directed to explore Philadelphia’s downtown nightlife by attending at least one nightlife entertainment venue (i.e., restaurant, café, dance club, sports bar, cocktail lounge) located in Philadelphia’s Center City district for the duration of a few evening hours’ time. They were encouraged to select familiar sites where they would feel both comfortable and safe and were permitted to choose whether to conduct their outing alone or with one or more friends, relatives, intimates, or acquaintances of either gender.

Upon the conclusion of their evening, students were instructed to document their experiences in detailed narrative accounts. Although some of the materials I assigned during the course address the elaborated performance of masculinity in public (i.e., Bissinger 1990; Geertz 1973; Grazian 2003; Grindstaff 2002), students were not necessarily expected to address these themes or issues in their accounts. After submitting their typed narrative accounts electronically to a team of research assistants (who in turn read them to ensure that each adhered to proper standards of protocol), the respondents’ names were removed from their submissions to protect their anonymity. These accounts were then forwarded to me; I assigned them individual case numbers and systematically coded and analyzed them separately on the basis of gender.5 An initial read-through of accounts submitted by my male respondents revealed recurring commonalities, including a pronounced goal of seeking out young women as potential sexual and romantic partners, and an ambitiously strategic orientation toward this end. Subsequent coding of these accounts highlighted the importance of collective behavior (including the ritualistic consumption of alcohol), a codependent reliance on one’s peer group, and the deployment of team-oriented strategies deemed necessary for approaching women in public.6

The original sample of 243 heterosexual male students consists of 21.4 percent (n = 52) freshman, 36.6 percent (n = 89) sophomores, 21.8 percent (n = 53) juniors, and 20.2 percent (n = 49) seniors. Participants ranged from 18 to 24 years of age, with a mean age of 19.9 years. Reflecting the privileged social status of Ivy League university students, the racial and ethnic makeup of the sample is as follows: 78.2 percent (n = 190) white, 11.5 percent (n = 28) Asian, 4.5 percent (n = 11) non-Hispanic black, 2.9 percent (n = 7) Hispanic, and 2.9 percent (n = 7) mixed race/other.7 Recent available statistics (U.S. News and World Report 2005) estimate the proportion of minority students at the University of Pennsylvania at 17 percent Asian, 6 percent black, and 5 percent Hispanic. In terms of residence prior to college, nearly three-quarters (70 percent) of the sample lived in suburban areas, while about one-quarter hailed from urban

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environments (26.3 percent) and the rest from rural areas (3.7 percent). Likewise, nearly three-quarters of the sample (70.4 percent) resided in the northeastern United States, with the rest closely divided among the Midwest (5.3 percent), South (9.1 percent), West (10.7 percent), and eight countries outside the United States (3.7 percent).8

Studying College Men

Because young people are likely to self-consciously experiment with styles of public behavior (Arnett 1994, 2000), observing undergraduates can help researchers understand how young heterosexual men socially construct masculinity through gendered interaction rituals in the context of everyday life. But just as there is not one single mode of masculinity but many masculinities available to young men, respondents exhibited a variety of socially recognizable masculine roles in their accounts, including the doting boyfriend, dutiful son, responsible escort, and perfect gentleman. In the interests of exploring the girl hunt as one among many types of social orientation toward the city at night, the findings discussed here represent only the accounts of those heterosexual young men whose accounts revealed commonalities relevant to the girl hunt, as outlined above.

These accounts represent about one-fifth of those submitted by my 243 heterosexual male respondents. While this subgroup comprises a substantial portion of the sample, the findings it suggests by no means represents the behaviors of all my students, and this should not be surprising. As Connell (1995), Messner (2002), and others argue, the dominance of hegemonic masculinity is often sustained by the aggressive actions of a minority within a context of normative complicity by a more or less “silent majority” of men who nevertheless benefit from the subordination and sexual objectification of women. Insofar as the ritual of the girl hunt symbolizes a celebrated form of hegemonic masculinity, it is therefore imperative that we examine how it is practiced in the context of everyday life, even if its proponents and their activities represent only one of many possibilities within the constellation of masculine performances and sexual identities available to men. As Connell and Messerschmidt (2005:850) observe, hegemonic masculinities are “to a significant degree constituted in men’s interaction with women.” Accordingly, examining how girl hunting is accomplished can help clarify how group interactions link gender ideologies to everyday social behavior.

To ensure informants’ anonymity and confidentiality, I have assigned pseudonyms to all persons. However, I have identified all respondents by their reported age, school year, and racial and ethnic background.

THE GIRL HUNT AND THE MYTH OF THE PICKUP

As I argue above, it is statistically uncommon for men to successfully attract and “pick up” female sexual partners in bars and nightclubs. However, as suggested by a wide selection of mass media—from erotic films to hardcore pornography—heterosexual

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young men nevertheless sustain fantasies of successfully negotiating chance sexual encounters with anonymous strangers in urban public spaces (Bech 1998), especially dance clubs, music venues, singles bars, cocktail lounges, and other nightlife settings. According to Aaron, a twenty-one-year-old mixed-race junior:

I am currently in a very awkward, sticky, complicated and bizarre relationship with a young lady here at Penn, where things are pretty open right now, hopefully to be sorted out during the summer when we both have more time. So my mentality right now is to go to the club with my best bud and seek out the ladies for a night of great music, adventure and female company off of the grounds of campus.

Young men reproduce these normative expectations of masculine sexual prowess— what I call the myth of the pickup—collectively through homosocial group interaction. According to Brian, a nineteen-year-old Cuban sophomore:

Whether I would get any girl’s phone number or not, the main purpose for going out was to try to get with hot girls. That was our goal every night we went out to frat parties on campus, and we all knew it, even though we seldom mention that aspect of going out. It was implicitly known that tonight, and every night out, was a girl hunt. Tonight, we were taking that goal to Philadelphia’s nightlife. In the meanwhile, we would have fun drinking, dancing, and joking around. (emphasis added)

For Brian and his friends, the “girl hunt” articulates a shared orientation toward public interaction in which the group collectively negotiates the city at night. The heterosexual desire among men for a plurality of women (hot girls, as it were) operates at the individual and group level. As in game hunting, young men frequently evaluate their erotic prestige in terms of their raw number of sexual conquests, like so many notches on a belt. Whereas traditional norms of feminine desire privilege the search for a singular and specified romantic interest (Prince Charming, Mr. Right, or his less attractive cousin, Mr. Right Now), heterosexual male fantasies idealize the pleasures of an endless abundance and variety of anonymous yet willing female sex partners (Kimmel and Plante 2005).

Despite convincing evidence to the contrary (Laumann et al. 2004), these sexual fantasies seem deceptively realizable in the context of urban nightlife. To many urban denizens, the city and its never-ending flow of anonymous visitors suggests a sexualized marketplace governed by transactional relations and expectations of personal noncommitment (Bech 1998), particularly in downtown entertainment zones where nightclubs, bars, and cocktail lounges are concentrated. The density of urban nightlife districts and their tightly packed venues only intensifies the pervasive yet improbable male fantasy of successfully attracting an imaginary surplus of amorous single women.

Adolescent men strengthen their belief in this fantasy of the sexual availability of women in the city—the myth of the pickup—through collective reinforcement in their conversations in the hours leading up to the girl hunt. While hyping their sexual prowess to the group, male peers collectively legitimize the myth of the pickup

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and increase its power as a model for normative masculine behavior. According to Dipak, an eighteen-year-old Indian freshman:

I finished up laboratory work at 5:00 pm and walked to my dormitory, eagerly waiting to “hit up a club” that night. . . . I went to eat with my three closest friends at [a campus dining hall]. We acted like high school freshmen about to go to our first mixer. We kept hyping up the night and saying we were going to meet and dance with many girls. Two of my friends even bet with each other over who can procure the most phone numbers from girls that night. Essentially, the main topic of discussion during dinner was the night yet to come.

Competitive sex talk is common in male homosocial environments (Bird 1996) and often acts as a catalyst for sexual pursuit among groups of adolescent and young adult males. For example, in his ethnographic work on Philadelphia’s black inner-city neighborhoods, Anderson (1999) documents how sex codes among youth evolve in a context of peer pressure in which young black males “run their game” by women as a means of pursuing in-group status. Moreover, this type of one-upmanship heightens existing heterosexual fantasies and the myth of the pickup while creating a largely unrealistic set of sexual and gender expectations for young men seeking in-group status among their peers. In doing so, competitive sexual boasting may have the effect of momentarily energizing group participants. However, in the long run it is eventually likely to deflate the confidence of those who inevitably continue to fall short of such exaggerated expectations and who consequently experience the shame of a spoiled masculine identity (Goffman 1963).

PREPARING FOR THE GIRL HUNT THROUGH COLLECTIVE RITUAL

Armed with their inflated expectations of the nightlife of the city and its opportunities for sexual conquest, young men at Penn prepare for the girl hunt by crafting a specifically gendered and class-conscious nocturnal self (Grazian 2003)—a presentation of masculinity that relies on prevailing fashion cues and upper-class taste emulation. According to Edward, a twenty-year-old white sophomore, these decisions are made strategically:

I hadn’t hooked up with a girl in a couple weeks and I needed to break my slump (the next girl you hook up with is commonly referred to as a “slump-bust” in my social circle). So I was willing to dress in whatever manner would facilitate in hooking up.

Among young college men, especially those living in communal residential settings (i.e., campus dormitories and fraternities), these preparations for public interaction serve as collective rituals of confidence building—shared activities that generate group solidarity and cohesion while elevating the personal resolve and self-assuredness of individual participants mobilizing for the girl hunt. Frank, a nineteen-year-old white sophomore, describes the first of these rituals:

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As I began observing both myself and my friends tonight, I noticed that there is a distinct pre-going-out ritual that takes place. I began the night by blasting my collection of rap music as loud as possible, as I tried to overcome the similar sounds resonating from my roommate’s room. Martin seemed to play his music in order to build his confidence. It appears that the entire ritual is simply there to build up one’s confidence, to make one more adept at picking up the opposite sex.

Frank explains this preparatory ritual in terms of its collective nature, as friends recount tall tales that celebrate character traits commonly associated with traditional conceptions of masculinity, such as boldness and aggression. Against a soundtrack of rap music—a genre known for its misogynistic lyrics and male-specific themes, including heterosexual boasting, emotional detachment, and masculine superiority (McLeod 1999)—these shared ritual moments of homosociality are a means of generating group resolve and bolstering the self-confidence of each participant. Again, according to Frank:

Everyone erupted into stories explaining their “high-roller status.” Martin recounted how he spent nine hundred dollars in Miami one weekend, while Lance brought up his cousins who spent twenty-five hundred dollars with ease one night at a Las Vegas bachelor party. Again, all of these stories acted as a confidence booster for the night ahead.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, this constant competitive jockeying and one-upmanship so common in male-dominated settings (Martin 2001) often extends to the sexual objectification of women. While getting dressed among friends in preparation for a trip to a local strip club, Gregory, a twenty-year-old white sophomore, reports on the banter: “We should all dress rich and stuff, so we can get us some hookers!” Like aggressive locker-room boasting, young male peers bond over competitive sex talk by laughing about real and make-believe sexual exploits and misadventures (Bird 1996). This joking strengthens male group intimacy and collective heterosexual identity and normalizes gender differences by reinforcing dominant myths about the social roles of men and women (Lyman 1987).

After engaging in private talk among roommates and close friends, young men (as well as women) commonly participate in a more public collective ritual known among American college students as “pregaming.” As Harry, an eighteen-year-old white freshman, explains,

Pregaming consists of drinking with your “boys” so that you don’t have to purchase as many drinks while you are out to feel the desired buzz. On top of being cost efficient, the actual event of pregaming can get any group ready and excited to go out.

The ritualistic use of alcohol is normative on college campuses, particularly for men (Martin and Hummer 1989), and students largely describe pregaming as an economical and efficient way to get drunk before going out into the city. This is especially the case for underage students who may be denied access to downtown nightspots. However, it also seems clear that pre

Sociology homework help

Signature Assignment: Culture Shock Analysis

SOCY 100: Introduction to Sociology

In just about any circumstance in life, one has the potential to experience culture shock, either on a small or large scale. Think about a culture shock scenario that you had at any point in your life. Examples of culture shock that are appropriate for this assignment can include migrating to a new country, going on vacation, trying a new cuisine, converting to a new religion, or going to college, just to name a few. Sociologically analyze your culture shock experience by incorporating several sociological concepts/theories from Chapters 1, 3, and/or 4. Write a 2-4 page paper by following the outline below.

I. Background:

Briefly explain one culture shock experience you had. Include the setting, people involved, and main event(s). Include enough details so the reader can vividly imagine what is happening.

Il. Analysis: In this section you will be applying sociological concepts in order to reach a deeper level of understanding of your experience(s). Make sure this section is very well developed, well-organized, and well-written since your grade depends mainly on your sociological analysis of the culture shock experience.

a. Analyze your culture shock experience by using at least four sociological concepts/ theories learned from Chapters 1, 3, and/or 4. For each concept/theory, you will need to demonstrate that you understand the concept/theory and provide appropriate examples of your culture shock in order to illustrate that you can use the course material to reach a greater depth of understanding. Concepts/theories

must be bolded or underlined in your paper, or they will not be counted in the quota.

The best papers will be those that choose concepts about which you can say something interesting and insightful about your experience with culture shock by looking at it through that particular conceptual/theoretical/sociological lens.

b. In addition, examine the outcomes of your culture shock. What was your reaction to this experience? Were you ethnocentric or culturally relativistic, and how? Also, why you were ethnocentric or culturally relativistic? Be sure to apply your sociological imagination when responding to these questions. Include specific examples or illustrations.

c. Concepts/theories MUST be from Chapters 1, 3, and/or 4 from your textbook.

d. Include an engaging and stimulating conclusion paragraph that summarizes your paper. Demonstrate evidence that you can make connections between all of the main ideas.

A few notes about the assignment:

· You should only be using your Textbook for your source. There is no need to use other material to complete this assignment. If, however, you do use outside/additional sources, you MUST BE SURE TO CITE. Using the ideas of others without giving the proper credit (citing) is a form of plagiarism which, according to Montgomery College policy, will result in an F for the assignment and perhaps an F for the course.

Remember — every time you use information from another source including your textbook, whether you are directly quoting your book, paraphrasing something, or summarizing, you MUST cite both in the text of your paper as well as include a references/citation page at the end of your paper!

APA Style is preferred, however if you are more accustomed to MLA, you are welcome to use MLA instead of APA. For help with citation procedures, please check out some of these websites: http://libguides.montgomerycollege.edu/apa http://owl.english.purdue.edu/owl/resource/560/01/. http://www.princeton.edu/pr/pub/integrity/pages/cite/.

· Your assignment should be typed, double-spaced, 12-point font. Although the paper should be about 2-4 pages, I care much more about quality than the number of pages.

· Please remember to include your last name in the title of your word document, and your full name on the first page of your paper.

· You must submit your paper via our Blackboard page by Friday, January 24, 11:59pm. (Attaching your paper as a word document is preferable.) Late papers are highly discouraged; points will be deducted for late papers.

· Read, re-read, and re-read. Make sure that you have proofread your paper! Pay particular attention to spelling and grammar. Use this paper as a way to practice getting your writing very clear and concise.


GRADING STANDARDS

Sociology

General Grading Guidelines

Winter 2020

A: An “A” paper demonstrates a very thorough understanding of the sociological concepts/perspectives and is thoughtfully engaged with the course substance. Students are able to made creative and insightful connections between the course content and past and/or present social phenomena. These papers are exceptionally written, logically organized, free of grammatical and spelling errors, and clearly articulate the main arguments so they are easily understood.

B: A “B” paper contains a number of the strengths of an “A” paper, but often lack the thoughtfulness, originality, and full development of the superior paper. The student has been able to clearly articulate a good understanding of the sociological concepts/ perspectives and makes reasonable connections between the course content and past and/or present phenomena. B papers are well written with only minor organizational, grammatical, or spelling issues.

C: A “C” paper shows an understanding of the assignment and demonstrates some understanding of the sociological concepts/perspectives. The student may begin to make some connections between the course content and past and/or present phenomena, but may lack a depth of understanding of the concepts in order for those connections to be fully developed. These papers are moderately well written, and able to be understood, but may have some organizational, grammatical, or spelling errors.

D: A “D” paper demonstrates a basic understanding of the assignment requirements but may not have all required elements. The student may show a poor understanding of the sociological concepts/perspectives and although attempts may be made to connect the course material to past and/or present social phenomenon, the connections may be superficial or incorrect because of a lack of a full understanding of the course material. “D” papers may contain a number of organizational, grammatical, and spelling issues and may struggle to articulate a clear argument.

F: An “F” paper may not have included all of the assignment requirements and/or did not follow the instructions for the assignment. “F” papers typically show little understanding of the course material and are unable to make connections between the sociological concepts/perspectives and social phenomena. These papers also typically contain many organizational, grammatical, and spelling issues and may be difficult to be understood by the reader.

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Sociology homework help

For this assignment I would like for you to see this happen, by examining a small piece of classic research on prejudice and discrimination. For ethical reasons we have all but eliminated this type of research from being done today, which makes this study all the more instructive and valuable. This entire movie is about 1 hour. You will only need to watch the first 19 or so minutes about the 3rd grade experiment for this paper.

https://www.pbs.org/video/frontline-class-divided/

After you have watched this video, I would like for you to write a two-page paper (not counting the name and title page). In this paper I would like for you to: 1) Define and explain the terms Dominant Group and Minority Group; b) explain what it means when sociologists say that Race and Ethnic Inequality are Socially Constructed, and c) explain what Dominant Group and Minority Group is being Socially Constructed in the video experiment.

2) Define and contrast the terms Prejudice and Discrimination. Then provide specific examples from the video where each is created both formally (by the rules and regulations of the class) and informally (voluntarily and personally) among these research subjects. Pay particular attention to the order in which this happens. The formal rules of the class are the start of this process. Everything else, the research subjects add themselves even though they are not required to do so, and all of them said at the start of the video that it is not right to treat people differently.

3) What Individual and Social-level consequences resulted from the Social Construction of Inequality within this society of students? In other words, how did this experiment impact individual kids in both the Dominant and Minority groups, and how did this experiment impact the class as a whole?

4) What is the underlying sociological lesson we can take away from this video about the causes of Categoric Inequality? To be clear, THE LESSON IS NOT THAT ALL THE KIDS WILL NEVER BE RACIST OR PREDUJICED, OR THAT THEY LEARNED A VALUABLE LESSON IN WHAT IT IS LIKE TO BE DISCRIMINATED AGAINST. If the answer was this simple the whole problem of Racial Inequality would have gone away a long time ago. These kids and nearly everyone in our society thinks “that everyone should all get along and be treated fairly”. The lesson we are trying to figure out here is more problematic and complicated. The lesson we are trying to figure out is, how and why groups of people end up creating and maintaining societies which have Racial Inequality? As an adult sociology researcher watching this experiment, what does the Conflict Perspective, and specifically the Dominant Group experience have to tell us about the causes of group-level social inequality?

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Assignment: Final Project Milestone 4: Policy Alternative

As an astute social worker and professional policy advocate, once you have selected and identified a social problem, you begin the process of creating and implementing a policy that addresses that social problem. One of the first things you do in the implementation process is an analysis of the social policy you identified. There is always the possibility that the policy created and implemented to address the social problem you identified is not viable for a variety of reasons.  

In this case, you must explore a policy alternative. 

In Part 4 of your ongoing Social Change Project assignment, you will identify a policy alternative to better alleviate the social problem you identified. 

To Prepare:

· Review the article by McNutt in the Learning Resources this week. 

· Review your previous Final Project Milestone Assignments and your Instructor feedback. Consider the following: 

· Identification of a Social Problem (Week 2) 

· Issue Statement (Week 4) 

· Identification of a Policy (Week 4) 

· Social Advocacy Proposal (Week 6) 

· Based on your work to date, including your insights into the selected social problem, careful analysis of a policy, and goals for advocacy, identify a policy alternative that would work to better alleviate the social problem while mitigating adverse impacts for the relevant populations. 

· Search for and select at least five scholarly articles to support your selection and review of a policy alternative. 

Submit a 4-page paper that addresses the following: 

· What is the policy alternative? 

· What, if any, change(s) in the policy alternative are necessary, and where will they need to occur (local or state)? 

· Is this policy alternative congruent with social work values? Explain. 

· What is the feasibility of the alternative policy (political, economic, and administrative)? 

· Does the policy alternative meet the policy goals (e.g., social equality, redistribution of resources, social work values, and ethics)? 

· What are the forces that are for the policy? What are the forces that are against the policy? 

· What policy advocacy skills can be used to support the policy alternative? 

· How does the policy alternative affect clinical social work practice with clients? 

· What changes could be made in the policy to support the needs of clients seeking clinical services? 

Be sure to incorporate at least five scholarly articles you found using standard APA format.

Is Social Work Advocacy Worth the Cost? Issues and Barriers to an Economic Analysis of Social Work Political Practice

John McNuttFirst Published October 27, 2010

https://doi.org/10.1177/1049731510386624

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1049731510386624

Political Activities of Social Workers: Addressing Perceived Barriers to Political Participation.

Rocha, C., Poe, B., & Thomas, V. (2010). Political Activities of Social Workers: Addressing Perceived Barriers to Political Participation. Social Work55(4), 317–325. https://doi.org/10.1093/sw/55.4.317

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Discussion: The Complexity of Eating Disorder Recovery in the Digital Age

Through this week’s Learning Resources, you become aware not only of the prevalence of factors involved in the treatment of eating disorders, but also the societal, medical, and cultural influences that help individuals develop and sustain the unhealthy behaviors related to an eating disorder. These behaviors have drastic impacts on health. In clinical practice, social workers need to know about the resources available to clients living with an eating disorder and be comfortable developing interdisciplinary, individualized treatment plans for recovery that incorporate medical and other specialists.

For this Discussion, you focus on guiding clients through treatment and recovery.

To prepare:

· Review the Learning Resources on experiences of living with an eating disorder, as well as social and cultural influences on the disorder.

· Read the case provided by your instructor for this week’s Discussion.

Post a 300- to 500-word response in which you address the following:

· Provide the full DSM-5 diagnosis for the client. Remember, a full diagnosis should include the name of the disorder, ICD-10-CM code, specifiers, severity, and the Z codes (other conditions that may be a focus of clinical attention). Keep in mind a diagnosis covers the most recent 12 months.

· Explain the diagnosis by matching the symptoms identified in the case to the specific criteria for the diagnosis.

· Explain why it is important to use an interprofessional approach in treatment. Identity specific professionals you would recommend for the team, and describe how you might best utilize or focus their services.

· Explain how you would use the client’s family to support recovery. Include specific behavioral examples.

· Select and explain an evidence-based, focused treatment approach that you might use in your part of the overall treatment plan.

· Explain how culture and diversity influence these disorders. Consider how gender, age, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, and/or ethnicity/race affect the experience of living with an eating disorder.    

References:

Psychiatry Online | DSM Library

https://dsm.psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.books.9780890425596.dsm10

https://jeatdisord.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s40337-017-0145-3

A narrative review of binge eating disorder in adolescence: prevalence, impact, and psychological treatment strategies – DOAJ

https://doaj.org/article/6b2e641e41e14a5981bb276e44ac0cfa?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GxI0ewBJdMo

Starving for the Good: An Anorexic’s Search for Meaning & Perfection | Elisabeth Huh | TEDxUChicag

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Sociology Paper on a Social Problem APA format

Topical Paper : you are required to write one 4-8-page paper on a social problem of your choice. In short, you need to analyze the problem via the sociological theory you find most compelling and offer a helpful policy suggestion. You must also cite at least 5 outside sources (i.e., preferably academic/scholarly journals) to support your viewpoint. What constitutes an academic source? Essentially, it must be authored by someone with an advanced degree in a peer-reviewed publication.

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Welfare Disparities in America

Watch the following four movie clips (a total of about 20 minutes) about welfare disparities in America and answer the following questions. (250 words)

1. What images and perceptions about “welfare mentality” are highlighted in these four different movie genres? 

2. How does Hollywood overall reflect public assistance recipients? Give examples.

3. In your opinion, what changes in media would have to happen that could positively alter public opinion about welfare consumers?

Watch the following video clips on welfare disparities: Clips are on course home page

· Cheech and Chong at the welfare office

· Cinderella Man

· Claudine (1974) – Mr. Welfare Man

· Precious (2009): “Take Yo Ass down to the Welfare”

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preschool teachers.: http://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2016/09/28/495488716/bias-isnt-just-a-police-problem-its-a-preschool-problem

For this discussion posting I would like for you to listen to this story and summarize the overall findings.

Then visit the following link and take at least one implicit bias test and report your experience and reaction to the test in your posting.

https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/takeatest.htm

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What If?

Directions

Think of something that is currently classified as illegal in the United States. Now, consider what would happen if that was no longer illegal. What are the possible consequences? Be creative and don’t take the easy way out. For example, marijuana is not the best example here as many states are taking steps to legalize or decriminalize marijuana usage. Be sure you include research to support your posts. For example, what do other countries do? How does public policy differ? How might it impact institutions in society: law enforcement, prisons, education, communities, the environment, etc. Your paper should address how this change might impact individuals based on their race, class, and/or gender. 

Parameters

· Include at least two concepts from your textbook

· Include at least two outside sources

· 500-800 words

· Utilize APA format 

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DQ 2 WEEK 3 RESPONSE 3 449

Kenyetta Patterson

Hello Professor and class,

Although as social workers you want to give advice and be supportive you also have to be mindful in how we do so. Sometimes as social workers when you give advice to clients it makes them feel important and knowledgeable, but it can also be ineffective sometimes (pschychologytoday.com, 2012). The reason why is because it can foster a non-therapeutic dependency, such that clients do not learn how to solve problems themselves but merely how to ask more advice. In other words giving a client too much advice would not give them the skills and those tools needed to do for themselves as opposed to the social worker doing it for them. The other issue with giving advice to a client is that instead of giving advice based on research you can be giving advice based on your own experience. Social workers are supposed to present clients with a better comprehension of what motivates or causes them to act or think in the way they do. Instead of being used to give advice, they should be a tool that guide their client in making their own decisions. Supporting a client is exploring their choices and this can be done by coming together with both client and social worker reviewing different choices that are available with their pros and cons. In the redo video of the Probation video Amy explained to the client that he would have to go to treatment again and the client right away became agitated because of the last experience he had in the treatment program. The client wanted to do jail time instead of the treatment program. Amy did not give advice but instead

Sociology homework help

Founders’ Questionable Ethics

Instructions: First, in your own words, provide a concise but thorough description of each action or teaching listed below. Second, in your own words, evaluate each action or teaching from the perspective of your own most convincing and consistent moral/ethical standard. Most students may choose to adhere to a biblical standard or a natural law standard. Your professor does not want you to shift into moral relativism merely because we are studying distinct religions and philosophies in this course. In your moral evaluation, you may employ emotive and even disapproving language if it befits the action or teaching under consideration. Type your answers in full sentences and employ good grammar. Single space your answers. Do your best. Your professor is aware that you are probably not a religious historian.

[When appropriate, do your best to take into account the possible gap between literal and figurative language. Also consider the fact that meticulous historians (who seek to determine the literal or figurative intent of exhortations) examine the extent to which the disciples of religious and political leaders have literally applied their leaders’ exhortations. In other words, if they interpreted the message literally, then many of the fervent followers would literally obey the message. Indisputably, figurative, parabolic, and allegorical language was a common feature of both the Old and New Testaments of the Bible. For example, in the text of 2nd Samuel 12:5-7, the Prophet Shamuel explained to King David his Parable of the Poor Man’s Ewe Seized by the Rich Man from 2nd Samuel 12:1-4. Moreover, in the text of the Gospel according to Saint Matthew 13:35-43, Yehoshua clarified the meaning of the Parable of the Wheat and the Weeds from Matthew 13:24-29.]

It appears impossible to ethically evaluate the founder(s) of Hinduism because Vyasa Krishna Dwaipayana was the chief compiler and editor of Hinduism’s most important sacred books, but probably not Hinduism’s founder. In the case of Yehoshua (Jesus) min Natzaret, since there is probably no reliable record of his immoral actions, we have to examine his controversial words instead. If you disagree with that claim, please feel free to present your view with buttressing sources.

This assignment is an analytical exercise for adults. This assignment is not meant to weaken anyone’s faith. This is an exposition of the imperfect nature of perhaps otherwise admirable spiritual pioneers. Perhaps these historical accounts generally point to the importance of repentance followed by spiritual and moral growth. Please keep in mind that the scriptural and historical records also meritoriously emphasize the applied virtues of these historical people who founded the Planet Earth’s major religions. Siddattha spent his life traveling and showing people how to suffer less. Avraham implored HaShem to spare the guilty people of a city from destruction. Mosheh confronted a king and liberated his people from slavery. Yehoshua taught people to love and pray for their enemies, even to the point of beseeching HaShem to pardon and save his own torturers and executioners. Muhammad outlawed female infanticide. Nevertheless, let us not immaturely choose to ignore their recorded shortcomings by blindly pretending that they all lived their entire lives perfectly. By the way, you are permitted to disagree with this perspective. Your moral evaluations do not need to coincide with the unstated opinions of your professor in order to earn a good grade. Nonetheless, you must complete this report in order to successfully complete this course.

1-Read about what Siddattha Gotama (the Buddha) did to his bride Yasodhara and their newborn son Rahula, according

to Chapter 21 of the Story of the Buddha Illustrated Textbook (Buddha’s Biography Coloring Book on Canvas) or more formal written sources.

1a-Concisely but thoroughly Describe Siddattha’s Actions:

1b-According to the ethical standard that you believe is most convincing and consistent, Morally Evaluate Siddattha’s

Actions:

2-Read about what Avraham (Abraham) started, but did not finish, doing to his son Yitzhak, according to Genesis

22:1-19 (especially verses 9-12). [Be aware that not all rabbinical interpreters agree on the moral nature of Avraham’s actions in this passage.]

2a-Concisely but thoroughly Describe Avraham’s Actions:

2b-According to the ethical standard that you believe is most convincing and consistent, Morally Evaluate Avraham’s

Actions:

3-Read about what Mosheh (Moses) and the Levite men did to the Yisraelite idolaters, according to Exodus 32

(especially verses 25-28). [Note that the “revelry” in verse 6 probably refers to a fertility-religion orgy.]

3a-Concisely but thoroughly Describe Mosheh’s Actions:

3b-According to the ethical standard that you believe is most convincing and consistent, Morally Evaluate Mosheh’s

Actions:

4-Read about what Yehoshua (Jesus) min Natzaret taught his disciples about self-mutilation, according to the Gospel

according to Saint Matthew 5:29-30 and 18:8-9, and the Gospel according to Saint Mark 9:43-47. [Note that there are no historical records of Yehoshua’s direct disciples practicing self-mutilation. However, some later Christians have practiced self-flagellation, and some even self-castration in the hopes of mitigating their overpowering sexual drives.]

4a-Concisely but thoroughly Describe Yehoshua’s Message:

4b-According to the ethical standard that you believe is most convincing and consistent, Morally Evaluate Yehoshua’s

Message:

5-Read about what Muhammad Ibn Abdullah ultimately did to the men, women, and children of the Banu Qurayza

Jews of Yathrib/Madinah in 627, according to Ibn Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah or other sources, and Quran 33:26; Quran 8:49-58; and Quran 9:29, as referenced by Montgomery Watt on page 268 in our Christopher Partridge and Tim Dowley textbook, A Short Introduction to World Religions. Consult at least 2 reputable sources on the www. Again, just do your best from these ancient sources.

5a-Concisely but thoroughly Describe Muhammad’s Actions:

5b- According to the ethical standard that you believe is most convincing and consistent, Morally Evaluate

Muhammad’s Actions:

6-Provide a Bibliography or Works Consulted List. Include all the sources that I have assigned you above, including the books of the Bible, the Quran, the Sirat Rasul Allah, the illustrated biography of the Buddha, our Partridge and Dowley textbook, as well as the other sources that you consult. Perhaps, you will consult your pastor or a scriptural commentary; if so, then include that interview and/or source in your bibliography. Type it according to Chicago-Turabian style, as best you can.

Sociology homework help

1. What roles does the media play as an agent of socialization? Provide an example of a function and a dysfunction of the media.

2. What is the difference between sex and gender? What do sociologists mean they say gender is socially constructed?

3. Throughout history African Americans have experienced discrimination when it comes to accessing loans to purchase a home. Is this an example of individual or institutional racism? Explain your answer. What long-term impact has this had?

4. How does a person’s social class influence their access to healthcare? Who is more likely to live in a community that is considered a food desert and how does that impact a community’s health?

5. What is white privilege? Provide at least two examples of white privilege.

Guidelines:

· Responses are expected to be in your own words

· Generally, the use of directly quoted material should be limited to no more than 10% of the total for each response

· All quoted material must be sourced at the end of the response, preferably in proper APA format; failure to cite may be considered plagiarism and lead to a loss of points or failure of the exam

· Your responses must reflect comprehension of the issue and provide sufficient defense of your chosen position as well as respond to all the questions posed.

· You will require you to apply the information you have learned all term to sociological scenarios.

Sociology homework help

2

Final Project Milestone 3: Social Advocacy Proposal

Brief Synopsis of the Social Problem:

The social problem is child sex abuse. Wekerle and Black (2017) defined child sexual abuse as when an adult or older individual uses a child for sexual stimulation. Cases of child sexual abuse have been rising in the United States and other parts of the globe. Statistics indicate that more than 65,000 children are abused every year in the US (Wekerle & Black, 2017). Also, about one in five adult women and one in thirteen men were abused in their childhood (ages 0-17 years). In addition, approximately 120 million girls and young women below 20 years report having experienced some form of forced sexual contact (Wekerle & Black, 2017).

Brief Synopsis of the Policy:

The Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) of 1974 has existed for about 48 years to address child sex abuse in the US. Congress enacted the policy in 1974, and it focuses on preventing child abuse and neglect through funding states that have integrated approaches for dealing with child abuse and neglect (Clay et al., 2019). CAPTA addresses the child sexual abuse problem by providing funding to states to support prevention, examination, investigation, prosecution, and treatment activities associated with child abuse and neglect. Since its enactment, the policy has undergone several changes and amendments. For instance, it was amended by the Victims of Child Abuse Act Reauthorization Act of 2018 in 2019 (Clay et al., 2019). The policy receives overwhelming bi-partisan support in Congress and the House of Representatives.

Explain the Selection of a Policy:

The social worker selected the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) of 1974 as a policy to promote change and reduce child sex abuse due to its holistic approach. Typically, CAPTA tackles the child sexual abuse problem by providing funding to states to support prevention, examination, investigation, prosecution, and treatment activities associated with child abuse and neglect. In this sense, the policy attacks the child sex issue from all angles, from prevention to treatment of survivors, which is critical in ending this problem (Drury et al., 2019). The strategy is like holding the “snake’s” head and tail. The policy has a better chance of eliminating child sex abuse in the US. For example, the federal government gives sufficient financial support to the states and participates in developing intervention measures that will effectively operationalize the policy, leading to better outcomes.

Person or Group who Enacted the Policy:

Congress enacted the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) of 1974. The motivation behind the legislation was to establish a single national focus for preventing and addressing child abuse and neglect. Also, rising child abuse and neglect cases before 1974 and the need to safeguard children indiscriminately might have led to the policy’s enactment. The reason for advocating for CAPTA is the same as mine, to protect our children from abuse and allow them to grow to their full potential with high self-esteem.

Ways in which the Policy Impacts the Population and the Consequences:

CAPTA impacts the population, mainly survivors or families affected by the abuse, by improving their morale or motivation. It assures them that the state, through local agencies, has the funds to expedite the investigation and prosecution of their cases. Also, the policy promotes child safety in the community, which enhances the overall security by eliminating adverse implications like criminal behaviors associated with the long-term effects of child sexual abuse. The intended consequence of the policy is to end child abuse, while the unintended one comprises improved community security and increased child education attendance.

Plan for Social Advocacy:

The social worker’s plan is not for the policy to entirely change but advocate for improvements that would enhance its effectiveness in addressing child sexual abuse. I will advocate for increasing more funds to the states to help them respond to the social problem adequately. Also, the states should direct more funds and effort towards prevention measures because making it difficult for child sexual abuse to happen would save the responsible agencies money and time examining, investigating, and prosecuting the abuse cases (Banton & West, 2020). The prevention measures should start from the family level since there have also been reports of sibling sexual abuse (Tener et al., 2020). No area should be spared.

References:

Banton, O., & West, K. (2020). Gendered perceptions of sexual abuse: investigating the effect of offender, victim, and observer gender on the perceived seriousness of child sexual abuse. Journal of child sexual abuse, 29(3), 247-262.

Clay, A. L., Okoniewski, K. C., & Haskett, M. E. (2019). Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA). The encyclopedia of child and adolescent development, 1-10.

Drury, A. J., Elbert, M. J., & DeLisi, M. (2019). Childhood sexual abuse is significantly associated with subsequent sexual offending: new evidence among federal correctional clients. Child abuse & neglect, 95, 104035.

Tener, D., Tarshish, N., & Turgeman, S. (2020). “Victim, perpetrator, or just my brother?” Sibling sexual abuse in large families: A child advocacy center study. Journal of interpersonal violence, 35(21-22), 4887-4912.

Wekerle, C., & Black, T. (2017). Gendered violence: Advancing evidence-informed research, practice and policy in addressing sex, gender, and child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 66, 166–170.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2017.03.010

Sociology homework help

Working with Groups Exercise Essay

Points 50

Rubric View Rubric

Assessment Description

Social workers frequently practice with groups and recommend group types to clients as part of their treatment plans. They must also know how to defend their recommendations with research. To help develop this skill, complete the following assignment:

Select one written case study or video case study from the provided list:

Yan Ping video (Topic 4 folder in MindTap)

Marta Ramirez Case Study (located in Chapter 1 of the textbook and in Topic 4 folder in MindTap)

Carl video (Topic 4 folder in MindTap)

Greg video (Topic 4 folder in MindTap)

Corning Family video (Topic 4 folder in MindTap)

In Chapter 11 of the textbook, you learn about the following group types: Treatment Groups, Self-Help groups, and Task Groups.

Next, imagine the client in your selected case study lives in your area and you are the social worker assigned to this case. Conduct research in your community for a group type to recommend to your client as a treatment option, taking into consideration possible cultural/subcultural barriers.

In an essay (500-750 words), recommend an appropriate group type (from the group types listed above) and justify the group you selected for the client by addressing the following in your recommendation:

Explain why you chose the group type you selected for the client. Why are the components of the group you selected best for the client?

Explain why the selected group type is a best practice for the selected case study as opposed to the other two group types.

Defend your group selection by citing two to four sources that show the group type you selected is a best practice treatment option for the social issues presented in the case study.

Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.

This assignment uses a rubric. Please review the rubric prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion.

You are required to submit this assignment to LopesWrite. A link to the LopesWrite technical support articles is located in Class Resources if you need assistance.

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2

Identification of Policy: Child Sexual Abuse

Policy on Child Sexual Abuse:

Issue Statement:

Child sex abuse is a significant social issue in the US and other parts of the world. Over the year, cases of child sex abuse have risen to alarming rates, the increasing incidence of child sex abuse is now a public health crisis. The clock is ticking, our children are the future of this country, and I believe that ending this menace will save the future of this country. Our children need an environment where they can feel safe and explore their potential in life. According to World Health (WHO), child sex abuse refers to any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advance directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting including but not limited to home and work” (World Health Organization, 2020). Wekerle & Black (2017) defined child sexual abuse as where an adult or older individual uses a child for sexual stimulation. The primary two types of sexual abuse include touching and non-touching. Touching child sexual abuse entails touching a child’s genitals, putting body parts or objects inside their vagina, anus, or mouth for sexual pleasure. Non-touching involves showing the child pornography, showing the child another person’s genitals, encouraging them to hear or watch a sexual act, and prostituting a child. Statistics indicate that more than 65,000 children are abused every year in the US (Wekerle & Black, 2017). Also, about one in five adult women and one in thirteen men were abused in their childhood (ages 0-17 years). In addition, approximately 120 million girls and young women below 20 years report having experienced some form of forced sexual contact.

These numbers should worry everybody with the responsibility, ability, authority, or position to protect our children. Indeed, there is a need for change, and the public, decision-makers, and social workers must lead the line and advocate for social change and justice for the vulnerable. Suppose nothing urgent is done to address the child sexual abuse concern. In that case, we will have a traumatized society and hopeless children who cannot integrate cognitive, emotional, and sensory information. These children will lose trust in their parents, friends, and community for failing to protect them, guarantee them the safety and better environment to thrive. According to Banton & West (2020), children who experience sexual abuse will likely suffer from adverse long-term mental and physical implications. Such as unplanned pregnancies, depression, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PSTD), chronic health conditions, substance use, challenging behaviors, violent criminal behavior, adult criminality, and increased risk of suicide. In a blog post shared on the “Darkest to Light” platform in 2017, Kaylas narrated how her family member molested her when she was 12 years old, which had a tremendous impact on her. Kaila confessed that she was ashamed of herself and even contemplated suicide following the sexual abuse ordeal (Darkness to Light, 2017). Most American children experience this ordeal daily. There is a need to advocate for change and safeguard the children from shame and myths of sexual abuse.

The Relationship between Policy and Child Sex Abuse:

Although the federal and local governments have established laws, policies, and other measures to prevent, reduce, and punish child sexual abuse, cases are still rising. Is there anything wrong with our rules? Drury et al. (2019) claim that child sexual abuse laws often focus on punishing the perpetrators and fail to integrate practical preventive measures at community and family levels. This is enough reason for the public, decision-makers, and social workers to advocate for change. They should fight for the children by ensuring appropriate policies and measures are put in place to protect the children and punish the molesters.

Realizing the goal of alleviating child sexual abuse would ensure the communities are safe for children to realize their life potential. Children will have the opportunity to live a better life free from the hurtful and damaging experiences of sexual abuse. The social workers and policymakers will also focus on other essential issues like poverty, education, and healthcare to support the overall children’s growth. In addition, addressing this concern will enhance the overall safety and confidence within the community. We should understand that any case of child sexual abuse does not affect the child only but their families and community, including health effects such as stress, anxiety, and healthcare expenses in case of an injury. If policymakers can address these issues, the consequences of criminal behaviors, adult criminality, and substance abuse among survivors of sexual abuse will also be avoided by attaining this goal.

Policy Review:

The selected policy is the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) of 1974. The policy was enacted in 1974 and has been amended several times. CAPTA focuses on preventing child abuse and neglect through funding states that have integrated approaches for dealing with child abuse and neglect (Clay et al., 2019). The state statute dictates this policy. CAPTA effectively addresses the child sexual abuse problem by providing funding to states to support prevention, examination, investigation, prosecution, and treatment activities associated with child abuse and neglect. Some of the significant sections of the CAPTA policy include the definition of child abuse and neglect, who is counted a victim, types of child maltreatment, risk factors among children, and eligibility requirements. Currently, the policy receives overwhelming bi-partisan support in the Congress and House of Representatives. No group opposes it, given the active role in addressing the child sexual abuse problem. Since its enactment, CAPTA has undergone several changes and amendments. For instance, it was amended by the Victims of Child Abuse Act Reauthorization Act of 2018 in 2019 Clay (et al., 2019). Besides, this policy affects clients I might see in a clinical setting by improving their morale or motivation. It will assure them that the state, through local agencies, has the funds to expedite the investigation and prosecution in their child abuse case.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, child sex abuse is a significant social problem that needs urgent redress. If nothing critical is done to tackle this concern, we will end up with a society of damaged and hopeless children. Achieving the goal of alleviating child sexual abuse will ensure communities are safe for children, social workers and policymakers will focus on other essential issues, and the overall safety and confidence within the community will improve. CAPTA entails the current policy that addresses child sexual abuse. It is an effective policy that provides funding to states to fight child sexual abuse. Nevertheless, there is still a need for more advocacies for change to ensure proper policies, procedures, and regulations are developed to root out child sexual abuse from the US. Social workers, policymakers, and the public must collaborate for the safety of our children.

References:

Banton, O., & West, K. (2020). Gendered perceptions of sexual abuse: investigating the effect of offender, victim and observer gender on the perceived seriousness of child sexual abuse. Journal of child sexual abuse29(3), 247-262.

Darkness To Light (2017). Kayla’s story. https://www.d2l.org/personalstories/kaylas-story/

Drury, A. J., Elbert, M. J., & DeLisi, M. (2019). Childhood sexual abuse is significantly associated with subsequent sexual offending: new evidence among federal correctional clients. Child abuse & neglect95, 104035.

Wekerle, C., & Black, T. (2017). Gendered violence: Advancing evidence-informed research, practice and policy in addressing sex, gender, and child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect66, 166–170.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2017.03.010

World Health Organization, (2020). Child maltreatment. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/child-maltreatment

Clay, A. L., Okoniewski, K. C., & Haskett, M. E. (2019). Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA). The encyclopedia of child and adolescent development, 1-10.

Sociology homework help

Topics 7

Use 3 topics

· The Constitution of the United States:
 A Transcription, Read Articles 1-3, James Madison, National Archives

· The Federalist Number 47, [30 January] 1788, James Madison, Founders Online

· The Federalist No. 51, [6 February 1788],  James Madison, Founders Online

+1 of these

· How the Moral Lessons of To Kill a Mockingbird Endure Today, Anne Maxwell, The Conversation, 2018

· Rugged Individualism: Two of the Greatest Threats to this Distinctively American Value, David Davenport, Gordon Lloyd, Hoover Institution, 2017

· Rooting for Complicated Heroes, It’s Complicated, Jack Bowen, Institute of Sports Law and Ethics, 2015

· When in Doubt – And There’s Always Doubt – Be Your Best, Jack Bowen, Institute of Sports Law and Ethics, 2015

Sociology homework help

2

Identification of Social Problem

Social Problem that Affects the Vulnerable Population

Child sex abuse issue

A current social problem that impacts the vulnerable is child sexual abuse. According to Wekerle & Black (2017), child sexual abuse (CSA) is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) along the lines of sexual violence as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advance directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting including but not limited to home and work.” The report issued by the United Nations in 2018 showed that the current child sex abuse stands at twelve percent (Wekerle & Black, 2017). The report indicated that children born and raised by single parents in low-income families and marginalized areas are at increased risk of child sex abuse. According to the World Health Organization, one in five women and one in thirteen men report being sexually abused as a child aged 0-17 years. The report further indicates that 120 million girls and young women under 20 years have suffered some form of forced sexual contact.

Francis (2019) argues that social issues such as poverty, homelessness, child maltreatment, and substance abuse are associated with child sex abuse. The social worker will discuss the history of child sex abuse, effects of child sex abuse on the population, ways to address Child Sex Abuse, and steps the social worker will employ to identify a policy:

History of Child Sex Abuse:

The child sex abuse issue has been in existence since time immemorial. In the U.S, child sex abuse is a major social issue that continues to undermine the role of social workers. CSA involves a child in sexual activity that they do not fully comprehend and cannot give informed consent. The child is not developmentally prepared, or else that violates society’s laws or social taboos. Children can be sexually abused by adults and other children under age or stage of development – in a position of responsibility, trust, or power over the victim. The report issued by the APA in 2015 on the child sex abuse issue showed that today, one in ten children in Indiana is either a victim of child sex abuse or is suffering from the consequences of this problem (Francis, 2019). Child sex abuse was ranked amongst the top current social issues in the United States. Moreover, the issue has been identified to have severe and long-term consequences to children, parents, and the whole community. The rate of teenage pregnancies in the United States continues to increase as many counties continue to record cases of teenage pregnancy. The analysis of the child sex abuse documented in the U.S over the past five years showed that 40 percent of the cases are from low-income district schools (Francis, 2019). The previous UN report showed that people of color are more associated with child sex abuse. This report followed the study conducted by the National Association of Social Workers (2013) to determine causes of teenage pregnancy in the United States and why more cases of teenage pregnancy are associated with minority groups. Some reports show that child sex abuse is common in low-income families and families where both parents and one parent is a drug addict. The APA showed that children between 8 and 12 are at increased risk of child abuse. In the United States, the criminal justice system showed that many families cover up child abuse cases and do not report them to investigative agencies. It also limits the ability of law enforcement agencies to extract information and identify proper strategies to reduce child sex abuse in the communities.

Another report showed that over 40 percent of the total child sex abuse cases reported in the United States originate from schools (Amédée et al., 2019). The analysis of the child sex abuse recorded in the U.S over the past five years showed that 40 percent of the cases are from low-income district schools (Francis, 2019). The analysis conducted to determine children at risk of sexual assault in district schools showed that children in low-income schools are more susceptible to child abuse than affluent schools. More teachers from low-income district schools have been charged with child sex abuse than teachers from affluent schools over the past five years.

Effects of Child Sex Abuse on the Population:

Child sex abuse has a damaging impact on the ability of the child to maintain and form close relationships. Hence, survivors of sexual abuse tend to lose trust in the opposite sex, which may affect their behaviors during adolescence and adulthood (Banton & West, 2020). Children who have been abused may display a range of emotional and behavioral reactions. The reactions may include withdrawn behavior, increased nightmares, anxiety, depression, not wanting to be alone, sexual language, knowledge, and inappropriate behavior for the child’s age. The victims can have challenges talking to partners, family members, and friends concerning sexual abuse.



Ways to Address Child Sex Abuse:

Various approaches have been put in place to address child sex abuse in the U.S (Banton & West, 2020). These approaches include activism, the development of policies, and media use to educate the public on the dangers of child sex abuse. The fight against child sex abuse has been significant due to stronger laws against sexual violence. Specific policies that do not require the survivors of sexual assaults to prove that they physically fought back against their assailants for the case to be considered rape have reduced the number of child sex abuse in the country. Besides, the government has also put heavy penalties on assailants that include but are not limited to death sentencing or life imprisonment. However, other states still have far to go (National Association of Social Workers, 2013). States that allow the perpetrators to have parental rights and custody of children born due to sexual assault should change their policies to ensure that the rights of assailants are limited in that they face the full force of the law and face consequences.

Steps the Social Worker will Employ to Identify a Policy: 

The step I will use to identify the policy is to identify the multisectoral approach that involves all the stakeholders. My approach will support parents by teaching them positive parenting skills and enhancing laws to prohibit violent punishment. Moreover, I will propose ongoing care of children and families to reduce child sex abuse reoccurring.

Conclusion:

Child sex abuse is a significant issue that has affected many people’s lives across the United States. Globally, over 300 million children aged 2-4 years regularly suffer physical punishment from caregivers, parents, or teachers. World Health Organization (2020) further indicated that a child who is abused is likely to abuse others as an adult so that violence is passed down from one generation to the next.

References:

Amédée, L. M., Tremblay‐Perreault, A., Hébert, M., & Cyr, C. (2019). Child victims of sexual abuse: teachers’ evaluation of emotion regulation and social adaptation in school. Psychology in the Schools56(7), 1077-1088.

Banton, O., & West, K. (2020). Gendered perceptions of sexual abuse: investigating the effect of offender, victim and observer gender on the perceived seriousness of child sexual abuse. Journal of child sexual abuse29(3), 247-262.

Francis, T., (2019). Workers on Child Protection, in Conflict with Community Norms and Values. Retrieved from https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1358534/FULLTEXT01.pdf

National Association of Social Workers, (2013). Child Welfare. Retrieved from https://www.socialworkers.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=_FIu_UDcEac%3D&portalid=0

World Health Organization, (2020). Child Maltreatment. Retrieved from https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/child-maltreatment

Wekerle, C., & Black, T. (2017). Gendered violence: Advancing evidence-informed research, practice and policy in addressing sex, gender, and child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect66, 166–170.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2017.03.010

Sociology homework help

 The purpose of the project is to act as transnational sociological educators, bringing necessary informational practices to the class. Students will be prompted to examine their personal and professional stances and philosophies, as well as how they relate to their role in the healthcare system. The project must include information on healthcare attitudes, treatments, philosophies, responses, grief customs, etc. specific to a culture. Each group will be required to present a short-paper (two – three pages, double spaced) and conduct a PowerPoint presentation.

Sociology homework help

(Alex)Sexual harassment is defined as the uninvited and unwelcome verbal or physical behavior of a sexual nature especially by a person in authority toward a subordinate (such as an employee or student) (Merrian-Webster). In October of 2017, Annabella Sciorra, was the first woman to accuse film producer Harvey Weinstein of sexual harass. Annabella claimed in a New Yorker article that Harvey Weinstein had raped her inside of her apartment in 1993, which gave courage to many other women who he had sexually harassed by Harvey Weinstein to come forth. Following these allegations, the Me-Too movement had resurfaced. The phrase #MeToo was originally phrased Tarana Burke in 2006 and her goal was to give strength to women who have been sexually harassed, and to let them know that they are not alone and many of other women have suffered the same experiences (Gordon, Sherry. 2022). The resurfacing of the #MeToo movement inspired thousands of women to come forth with their sexual harassment experiences and ousted their perpetrators. Many of these victims were in the film and music industry and they completely rocked the industry when they came forth with their own stories. In total, 87 women had come forth with allegations against Harvey Weinstein alone. 

As a man, I cannot speak on the entire success of the #MeToo movement, as I don’t endure sexual harassment in work and social settings, however I do believe there has been success with the #MeToo movement as shed light on many sexual predators, lots of whom had their careers ended over their actions. Powerful men who were once viewed as icons lost all credibility once truth had been revealed of their wrongdoings towards women. 

Works Cited

Gordon, S. (2022, April 24). What is the Me Too Movement All About? Verywell Mind. Retrieved April 25, 2022, from https://www.verywellmind.com/what-is-the-metoo-movement-4774817

Merriam-Webster. (n.d.). Sexual harassment definition & meaning. Merriam-Webster. Retrieved April 25, 2022, from https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/sexual%20harassment

Moniuszko, S. M., & Kelly, C. (2018, June 1). Harvey Weinstein scandal: A complete list of the 87 accusers. USA Today. Retrieved April 25, 2022, from https://www.usatoday.com/story/life/people/2017/10/27/weinstein-scandal-complete-list-accusers/804663001/

Sociology homework help

The final research paper or project represents the cumulative effort of your work this semester. It should be 1200 words, double-spaced, Times New Roman, 12 point font, standard 1 inch margins on all sides. There should be a cover sheet that is NOT part of the page count and page numbers should start on the second page and be located in the lower right hand corner of the paper. This final paper will demonstrate your proficiency in applying concepts relevant to the theories we have been studying to a topic of your choice pertaining to sexual and gender identities.

Your project should reference a minimum of one (1) course readings in an application of one or more theoretical concepts we have explored this semester to a text, issue, or cultural production of your choice. You should include a minimum of two (2) outside sources on the topic, which can be original data collection or other sources you have found in your own research. Therefore, the paper will have a total of three (3) sources. Proper research methods using the FIU library website will be discussed in class.

Examples of possible concepts to consider/integrate:

the sex/gender binary

birth of the “homosexual”

discursive constructions of sexuality

regulation, power, and knowledge

diagnosis, confession, and “truth”

medical science and sexuality – the construction of “normal”

historical context and its role in definition

passing and trans narratives

intersectionality – race/class/gender/sexuality

recognition/visibility of sexual and gender identities (bisexuality & the closet)

queer politics and the policing of “deviant” bodies and sexualities

pedophilia, psychosexual development, and polymorphous perversity

stereotypes and cultural representation

performativity, drag, and gender identity

Stonewall and gay liberation

queer and trans challenges to the legal system

sodomy and marriage laws

lesbian feminism, separatism, and trans identities

materiality of the body

cyberidentities (sexual and gender)

Sociology homework help

The final research paper or project represents the cumulative effort of your work this semester. It should be 1200 words, double-spaced, Times New Roman, 12 point font, standard 1 inch margins on all sides.  There should be a cover sheet that is NOT part of the page count and page numbers should start on the second page and be located in the lower right hand corner of the paper.   This final paper will demonstrate your proficiency in applying concepts relevant to the theories we have been studying to a topic of your choice pertaining to sexual and gender identities.

Your project should reference a minimum of one (1) course readings in an application of one or more theoretical concepts we have explored this semester to a text, issue, or cultural production of your choice. You should include a minimum of two (2) outside sources on the topic, which can be original data collection or other sources you have found in your own research.   Therefore, the paper will have a total of three (3) sources.  Proper research methods using the FIU library website will be discussed in class.

Examples of possible concepts to consider/integrate:

· the sex/gender binary

· birth of the “homosexual”

· discursive constructions of sexuality

· regulation, power, and knowledge

· diagnosis, confession, and “truth”

· medical science and sexuality – the construction of “normal”

· historical context and its role in definition

· passing and trans narratives

· intersectionality – race/class/gender/sexuality

· recognition/visibility of sexual and gender identities (bisexuality & the closet)

· queer politics and the policing of “deviant” bodies and sexualities

· pedophilia, psychosexual development, and polymorphous perversity

· stereotypes and cultural representation

· performativity, drag, and gender identity

· Stonewall and gay liberation

· queer and trans challenges to the legal system

· sodomy and marriage laws

· lesbian feminism, separatism, and trans identities

· materiality of the body

· cyberidentities (sexual and gender)

Sociology homework help

(Eli)One social movement that I have started to see and be able to participate in during my lifetime is the ABA reform movement. ABA was originally created and continues to be implemented largely without input from the Autistic community, who are calling for providers to include Autistic people’s perspectives in their decision-making process when developing new therapies or implementing treatment plans. I am the only Autistic behavior analyst I know, so I have been a direct witness and recipient of programs such as exposure and response prevention therapies that were done to “mainstream” or “normalize” myself or other clients, often either in traumatic ways, or for things that we (as Autistic people) did not feel needed to change.

I was a kid who was forced to drink sodas in an exposure therapy program so that I would stop standing out when I went out with friends and ordered milk. I detested the feeling of carbonation in my mouth, and the taste of the sodas made my stomach turn. The only reward for finishing a soda was being done with having to drink the soda. I still refuse to drink it. Although I know it looks odd to be 25 years old and ordering milk when I go to a restaurant, I have found through extensive experience that no one really cares that much, and in my opinion, the experience of being forced to drink soda was much worse than the teasing from friends when I refused to drink it. This is one very small example of a situation where it was decided on my behalf that something about me was wrong and needed to be fixed, and I was not even asked my feelings about it- why I disliked soda, how I felt about the jokes my friends made, or whether it hurt when I had to drink a whole bottle.

This is where the motto, “Nothing about us without us,” comes in. This phrase is used for the disability rights movement as a whole, but my personal experience is with using it in advocating for myself and for my clients in therapy. “Nothing about us without us” represents a push for communities to have a voice in the decisions that are made about them on their behalves. Including Autistic voices into the conversation about Autism therapies has lead to a reduction in punishment-based treatments, while raising interest in finding positive ways to redirect behaviors, or even to encourage behaviors such as stimming for emotional regulation purposes. This shift to making behavior therapy reward-focused and fun has improved treatment outcomes as a whole, and the field of ABA is rapidly working to expand its understanding and approaches to treatments.

 

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/nothing-about-us-without-us-mantra-for-a-movement_b_59aea450e4b0c50640cd61cf

Sociology homework help

(Ishah)I decided to look at the Netherlands and their healthcare system and found some very interesting highlights. When looking at the Netherlands, I see that they have a universal health care. It is considered as one of the best healthcares in the world. The program is through private providers while being managed through the government and silent insurers. It is required in the Netherlands that all people have at least a basic level of healthcare. This basic level could contain, but is not limited to, hospital care, dental until the age of 18, maternity care, and even services to help quit smoking. This measure taken to help stop smoking automatically, in my eyes, completely differs it from the United States’ healthcare.

Just like the United States, the Netherlands allow for those who have low income to apply for government assistance. Unlike the United States; however, there is a fine for those who have not obtained health insurance once over 18. Another big difference between the two industrialized countries is the Netherlands offer healthcare to temporary tourists that will visit for less than a year. 

When it comes to doctors, “If you visit a doctor or need medication in the Netherlands you may have to pay a coinsurance fee — but this is likely capped at a very low rate compared to what you’ll pay in the US. All that said, US expats in the Netherlands do also report that doctors are far less likely to hand out meds like antibiotics — with lifestyle choices and fresh air being used to treat many minor, passing illnesses like colds and flu.” (Peratello)

The life expectancy for men in the Netherlands is 79 versus 76 in the U.S. , while for females it is 83 versus 81. A big difference between the two is the obesity rate. In the Netherlands it is only at a 10% rate, while in the United States it is at an overwhelming 30.6% which is ranked 1st and three times more than the Netherlands. The infant mortality rate is 4.4 deaths per 1000 births in the Netherlands versus 6.9 deaths per 1000 births in the United States. (NationMaster)

Overall, there is much better healthcare in the Netherlands than in the United States.

WORKS CITED

Healthcare in the Netherlands: full guide (2022). Peratello. 
https://wise.com/us/blog/healthcare-system-in-the-netherlands#:~:text=The%20Netherlands%20has%20a%20universal%20healthcare%20system.%20It%E2%80%99s,or%20without%20additional%20coverage%29%20from%20a%20Dutch%20provider (Links to an external site.)
. ACCESSED APPRIL 19,2020

Netherlands vs United States Health Stats Compared. 
https://www.nationmaster.com/country-info/compare/Netherlands/United-States/Health (Links to an external site.)
. ACCESSED APRIL 19, 2022

Sociology homework help

Write an 6 page paper (do not include cover page or reference page) (double space, 12 font size, Times new Roman font.

The paper will be based on the following. Answer the questions listed below. The topic of this paper is An analysis of the Polices and implications of the NYC Foster Care System.

Remember, you are asked to consider the ways in which the history of settler colonialist society, its ideologies, beliefs, values, language and ways of knowing, shape the manner in which social work is currently practiced.

• How do they contribute to the experiences of service users as they interface within the system you have chosen to write about?

• How might they have shaped the meaning that service users place on their own circumstances, identities, etc.?

• How do they inform how you, as the practitioner, utilize your power and positionality in the processes of assessment, engagement and intervention?

• What are some of the strategies for dismantling these types of thoughts, policies and practices?

• What are some alternative, decolonized thoughts, policies and practices and the possibilities that might emerge from these shifts?


Outline (Guide on what to focus on regarding this paper) (Can be modified)

Topic: An analysis of the Polices and implications of the NYC Foster Care System


Focus on this paper is the following:

Current examples of laws in child welfare/foster care. These laws include the following-

Termination of parental rights

Teen pregnancy in foster care


Frameworks

Utilizing the just practice framework: 5 context framework; power, possibility, meaning, context, history

Teacher/learner module


Examples on How to Decolonization the NYC foster care system:

Elaborating on key factors that should be decolonized within the foster care system:

Reporting suspect child abuse/maltreatment

Removing children from their caretakers


References ( Please only use 5 references, you may change them if you like)

· Gottlieb, Chris (2018). The lessons of mass incarceration for child welfare

Lieberman, L. D., Bryant, L. L., Boyce, K., & Beresford, P. (2014). Pregnant teens in foster care: Concepts, issues, and challenges in conducting research on vulnerable populations. Journal of Public Child Welfare, 8(2), 143-163.

Jetter, D. (2021). How can we Change Foster Today.

Krase, K. S. (2015). Child Maltreatment Reporting by Educational Personnel: Implications for Racial Disproportionality in the Child Welfare System. Children & Schools, 37(2), 89–99. https://doi-org.proxy.wexler.hunter.cuny.edu/10.1093/cs/cdv

McCullough, M. E. A. (2017). A phenomenological study of youth experiences in residential foster care and their recommendations for change

Sociology homework help

Delice Nsubayi

04.07.22

Professor Joyce Scott

Black radicalism

The Expressions and exploitation of Black Female Radicalism

You should have a minimum of 4 outside critical sources, properly cited in your paper

Performance or politics

· Sexual racism is not new experience for black women. It has been drowned out but is ingrained in American culture and has contributed to the specific perspective of black women in order to justify the creation in the United States. According to Harvard University “Since enslaved people were first brought to this country, promoters of anti-Black racism and white supremacy have co-opted the authority of science to justify racial inequality. A history of pseudoscientific methods “proving” white biological superiority and flawed social studies used to show “inherent” racial characteristics still influence society today.” The prejudice embedded in the science transcended beyond that field and into the social realm influencing and perpetuating dynamics already established. The science was used to try and justify the abuse of black people and women. By the early to mid-20th century, polygenism and biology-based racism were widely disproven, and racism in social science had gained popularity. Black features have been deemed ugly and abrasive, almost animalistic, therefore it is justified to be placed in a zoo to be viewed. Saartije “sara” Baartman was a south african woman born in 1789 who fell victim to sexual trafficking and exploitation, a problem plaguing the black communnity today. Bartmaan was brought into domestic servitude by colonists, enslaved and sold throughout Europe. Bartmaan was sold to S. Reaux, an animal exhibitor who put her on display in Paris in 1814. She was sexually abuse by men willing to oay and had no conntol as trhe courts allowed her contract to remain in tact. Scientific racism directly impacted the treatment of black women. The fallacies in regard to our bodies and our ability to endure has impacted our experience, impacting our perspective, impacting our expression.

· rebought by many dis

· zoo/

· Black features deemed too much

· Law

· Down talk but it’s not always from hate but can be of envy will lead to and copy

· Sara baartman exploiting for views while demeaning while also mimicking with old school big butt skirts

· How do they take control?

· Stereotypes of jezebel , mulatto, mammy

· Gives whiteness control of the narrative

· ―While most people of color, and African Americans in particular are perceived through a distorted lens, Black women are routinely defined by a specific set of grotesque caricatures that are reductive, inaccurate, and unfair‖ (Jones andShorter-Gooden, 2003, p. 3)

· Black radicalism is about being beyond whiteness by own rules

· Black womens performances :

· “Accepting” jezebel others say ability to be free

· Radical because it is not conforming to white standards

· Double jeopardy of being an image. Double edge sword of being able to choose but to choose who they expected you to be

· Black radicalism in black luxury it isn’t a charactacter of any past image

· It is new, it has no script, has no monolith

· Rest is a major part of the movement

· Honoring ancestors by doing something they weren’t able to do.

· Still there is exploitation in this form of media look at charlie demelio

New terms to become black women: trans racial rachel dolezal

Paid for our pain: charlie tik tok

Jlo vs ashanti

Black art being stolen from africa

The matrix origin

Toni morrison
https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/black-women-in-art-and-literature

Silverman andRader (2009) remind us that, ―the problem, of course with all stereotypes is their propensity to attribute group characteristics to individuals. Believing all Jews are smart or all African Americans are athletic can have subsequent negative effects that balance out any positives‖ (p. 271)

In the same way black women are expected to be certain performers that they dont get recognitions especially if they dont fit a look type or stereotype


https://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/jezebel/

Expression of black feminism: black luxury movement

Double jeopardy to be black and female


https://library.harvard.edu/confronting-anti-black-racism/scientific-racism


https://etd.ohiolink.edu/apexprod/rws_etd/send_file/send?accession=osu1281378634&disposition=inline

Sociology homework help

Instructions: Please read the instructions carefully and contact me if you have any questions prior to submitting your work.
After reading the chapter and reviewing the PowerPoint and supplemental readings on the course site, you should complete the following tasks: 
Answer the questions below. Your responses should be about one, 5 to 7 sentence, paragraph per question set (meaning numbers 1,2,3, etc should be about one paragraph in length.) Your responses should demonstrate a clear engagement and understanding of the course material, critical application of the sociological concepts/theory and should include clear grammar and sentence structure. Please review the assignment rubric under ‘Course Resources’ for clearer indication of grading distribution and let  me know if you have any questions/concerns. 
1. Simmel defines fashion as a ‘duality’ in which people attempt to be different, but in this attempt, actually become more similar (the duality of conformity and differentiation). How do you feel that fashion serves to differentiate between the classes? In other words, what role does fashion have in categorizing people by classes? What is the relationship between fashion and the lower classes? The upper classes? What is your relationship with fashion? Have you ever participated in ‘conspicuous consumption’ or know of someone who has? In your opinion what are some of the positives and negatives of this social phenomenon? Is materialism a good thing or a bad thing for societies?  (Use one sociological theory in your response to support your answer) 
2. Describe factors at the (a) micro, (b) meso, and (c) macro levels that impact your ability to move up the social class ladder. Which one do you feel has the most impact and why? What evidence can you find that supports your claims? (Include at least one source)
3. Watch the following Netflix episode of Explained and answer the following questions; Please use two examples from the film to support your answers. 
1. Video: Click Here
2. How is the perpetuation of the growing wealth/poverty gap in the United States a systemic issue weaved into our social fabric and maintained through hegemonic (dominant) ideologies (i.e. racism, white supremacy, patriarchy, etc.)? Explain why and in what ways wealth and poverty are caused by laws, policies, and social structure, rather than by individual traits, such as hard work.
Due Date: Sunday April 24 by 11:59 PM 
Please DO NOT submit .pages files
ONLY submit word docs or pdf files. 
Assignment worth 20 Points

Sociology homework help

The purpose of these recap discussion boards is to create dialogue and analytical discourse about the material covered in the chapter. In answering the recap discussion questions, you should engage in meaningful discussion with your fellow classmates. Please make sure to pay close attention to the specific due dates for each discussion board. You can contact me directly if you have any questions or post your question on the ‘General Questions/Concerns’ discussion form on the course site. 
Due Dates: 
**Initial post due 04/22
Please respond to the following questions with at least 5-7 sentence paragraph responses per question.
**Secondary posts due 04/24
You should respond to at least two of your classmates post by the above due date. Your responses should be substantial, meaning they should be about 5-7 sentences in length and relate to your classmates post in some way. Please review the discussion board rubric on the course site for an elaboration on the grading criteria.  
Question:
1.What is the social class of most of the people with whom you hang out? Why do you think you tend to associate with people from this social class? How has the social class of your parents and your upbringing influenced your success in school and your professional aspirations? Which of the theories discussed in this chapter make most since in describing your experiences? 
 

Sociology homework help

The Secondary Analysis Research Assignment is designed to introduce students to basic computations, formal and quantitative reasoning analysis and problem solving, as well as the ability to interpret mathematical models and statistical information. The completed assignment must be submitted to Blackboard. I will accept late research assignments, but I will deduct 2 points per day after the original due date.


http://federalsafetynet.com/us-poverty-statistics.html

Instructions: Copy and paste the link above (or click on the link) and use the information provided to answer the following questions. Make sure to read each question carefully. Some of the questions will require you to make calculations using the rates/numbers that are presented within the tables. Most of the questions will ask you to view the tables and to respond to the question based on what is presented in the tables (without making any additional calculations). Each question is worth 1/2 of a point. 

A question that asks “who is most/least likely” is looking for a rate/percentage in the answer, while a question that asks “who has the most/least” is a reference to total numbers for your answer.

You do not need to write an essay or complete sentences for the Secondary Analysis Research Assignment. Please copy and paste the questions and then simply provide answers to each question.

Section 1: Changes in the Poverty Rate from the Prior Year

A) What is the U.S poverty rate for the year 2020?

B) Did the poverty rate increase or decrease from the previous year (2019)?   

C) How many Americans were unemployed (not working) in 2020?

D) Did the number of Americans who were not working increase or decrease from the previous year (2019)?

Section 2: Age of the Population

A) In terms of age, which group is the most likely (looking at percentages) to be poor? What factors contribute to this group being the most likely to be poor? 

B) How does the elderly (65 years and older) poverty rate compared to the U.S. poverty rate (higher or lower)? Why do you believe this is true?

C) Which age group has the most people (looking at total numbers) in poverty?  Why do you believe this is true? 
D) What percentage of the entire U.S. population is under 18 years of age (regardless of economic status)? What percentage of the entire U.S. population is 65 years or older (regardless of economic status)? 

Section 3: Race 

A) Which racial group is the most likely (looking at percentages) to be found in poverty?

B) What is the poverty rate for non-Hispanic White Americans? 

C) In terms of total numbers, which racial group has the most people living in poverty? 

D) When looking at your responses to B) and C) above, how can these figures be accurate?    

Section 4: Marital Status

A)  Which household structure has the highest rate (percentage) of poverty? What factors contribute to this?

B) Which type of household structure is least likely to be present in American households regardless of economic status? 

C) What is the poverty rate for households with a married couple? Why is this so? 

D) Single mother households account for what percentage of all households that are in poverty?

Section 5: Working Age Adults

A) What is the poverty rate of Americans who work full time?       

B) Approximately how many times greater is the poverty rate for the unemployed when compared to those working part time?

C) How many unemployed Americans (adults of working age) are living in poverty? 

D) Americans who are not working account for what percentage of all Americans (adults of working age) living in poverty? 

Section 6: Disability

A) What is the poverty rate for working age Americans who have a disability?

B) Approximately what percentage of the work force (working age Americans) has a disability? 

Section 7: Nativity and Citizenship

A) Do foreign born naturalized citizens have a poverty rate that is higher or lower than the U.S. population as a whole?   

B) Approximately what percentage of poor people in America are native born? 

Section 8: Educational Attainment

A) In terms of educational attainment, which group is the most likely (looking at percentages) to be found in poverty? Why is this the case?

B) What is the poverty rate for people with a college degree or higher? Why is the rate so low compared to other groups?

C) Approximately how many times greater is the poverty rate for those without a high school diploma compared to those who have a college degree or higher? 

D) In terms of total numbers, which group has the most people who are in poverty?    

Section 9: Poverty Dynamics

A) For Americans who were poor in 2013, what percentage of them remained in poverty during the entire period of 2013-2016? 

B) Which racial-ethnic group had the lowest rate of poor people that remained in poverty during the same 4-year period (2013-2016)?  

Sociology homework help

Equity and Equality

With deficit thinking, our education system tends to focus on what students “lack” and how we can “fix them” based on dominant culture ideas and standards for success. Discuss an alternative approach to helping students succeed which would be more effective and equitable than deficit thinking. Make sure you explain why your alternative approach is more effective than the deficit thinking model (for instance–how does it recognize student diversity, how does it eliminate stereotyping of students, how is it more inclusive of student strengths and abilities).

Refer: Page #297 The Dynamics of Social Stratification from the pdf attached.

Sociology homework help

Reflect on the many different social problems that we have studied and discussed throughout the term, for example, poverty and power, drug use and legalization, institutional discrimination, survival of the family, prostitution and health, and unequal opportunism.

For our final discussion, think about what you have learned in terms of myths and facts.

Address the following in your initial post:

· How were your personal biases challenged throughout this course?

· What information was new to you, and how will that new information help you?

· Lastly, select one concept that you learned in this course, and explain how you can apply it to your future career or educational path.

Sociology homework help

ISLAMIC SECTS

BRIEFLY DELINEATE the PRIMARY LEADERS, MOTIVATIONS, & TURNING POINTS that CAUSED the ORIGINAL SCHISM BETWEEN SUNNI & SHIA ISLAM.

1-Leaders:

2-Motivations:

3-Turning Points:

BRIEFLY IDENTIFY the UNIQUE FOUNDERS/REFORMERS, BELIEFS and/or PRACTICES that DISTINGUISH EACH of the FOLLOWING SECTS of ISLAM from the OTHER SECTS of ISLAM. You may use a bullet-point format.

4-Sunni Islam (Founders/Reformers, Unique Beliefs and/or Unique Practices):

5-Shia Islam (Founders/Reformers, Unique Beliefs and/or Unique Practices):

6-Sufi Islam (Founders/Reformers, Unique Beliefs and/or Unique Practices):

7-Wahhabi Islam (Founders/Reformers, Unique Beliefs and/or Unique Practices):

8-Ahmadiyya Islam (Founders/Reformers, Unique Beliefs and/or Unique Practices):

Briefly identify the unique Founders/Reformers, Beliefs and/or Practices that distinguish Sunni Islam from other Islamic sects.

Sociology homework help

Sample 1:

Assignment 2, Stratification

The implications for sociological analysis are endless when one opens the morning newspaper or flips through a popular magazine. This assignment is meant to get you thinking about how sociological analysis can add insight to everyday situations and our comprehension of current events. It will allow you to better appreciate the day to day applications and potential of sociology and recognize how useful some of the sociological concepts we’ve been learning in class may be to help better understand the world around us.

You will be expected to hand in a short (2-4 page) paper in which you use a sociological theory and applicable information from a chapter in your textbook in order to analyze the way by which an article in the popular media presents an example of social stratification. Because there are multiple ways by which we can be stratified, you should choose one of the following broad topics below:

· Choose one of the topics listed above and find a popular media article (newspaper, magazine, pamphlet, etc.) that relates to your corresponding topic.

· The article you choose should be way by which we are stratified. It should NOT be a discussion of either stratification or one of the topics above in a general/broad sense. I would be more than happy to take a quick look at the article (before the due date for the assignment) in order to make sure that it is appropriate. News stories or newsmagazine articles that describe an event or are a narrative work best. Please do not choose an opinion piece.

· I DO NOT want you to find an article from a peer reviewed (academic) journal. Your article should be something that is easily found and read in our everyday lives. I would prefer that you use print (as opposed to online) sources, but using something online is fine, as long as you would be able to find it on a newsstand. I recommend that you check with me before you begin your assignment if you have found an article from an online source.

· After finding your article, you will write a 2-4 page paper in which you analyze it using one of the following theories: symbolic interactionism. conflict theories, or functionalism. You should use either information from the chapter that corresponds to your topic and/or chapter 1 to demonstrate in your paper that you understand the theory and can apply it to help better understand the information in your article. The best papers will use one of the major sociological theories about which we have spent the semester discussing to answer the “why’ or “wha€’ behind your article.

· In addition to a theory, you will also choose, describe, and apply one concept from the chapter that corresponds to your topic.

· For both the theory and the concept, make sure to bold or underline
the terms you are using.

· Although you are discouraged from using any source other than your textbook and your article, if you do, you MUST cite.

· Your paper should include the following:

· an introductory section/paragraph in which you briefly encapsulate what you will be discussing in the paper; you should say very specifically the main idea of your article, what concept and theory you will use, and how you will apply these terms to your article.

· a section (approximately 1-3 paragraphs) in which you briefly summarize what is discussed in the article (remember that you MUST cite when you summarize, paraphrase, and quote);

· the bulk of the paper should be dedicated to discussing the (symbolic interactionism, conflict theories, OR functionalism) AND concept (from the associated chapter) you will be using and applying those terms to your article in order to reach a deeper level of understanding of the information presented in your popular media source.

· In this section, you must show a clear understanding of whatever concept or theory you’re using by very clearly defining/explaining the information from your textbook. You want to be sure to give your article context by laying a clear theoretical or conceptual foundation.

Using information from your chapter, you should be able to say something interesting and insightful about your article that may not necessarily have been apparent at first read of the popular news article. The information in your text should help you to answer “why is this situation so” in a way that goes beyond the information given in your popular article. Spend time really digging into the article through the use of your theoretical or conceptual framework.

· Some possible questions to consider while writing the paper include: How can sociological information add insight to the information presented in the article?; Do you have a new or different understanding of the information in the article based on the information provided in your textbook?; Is the presentation of your article consistent with the information provided in your book?

· finally, a conclusion in which you summarize if/how sociological knowledge has helped you to better understand the information in the popular news story that you chose. State specifically what insight you think you were able to gain by applying sociological concepts/theories to something you may read in your “everyday” life.

General Requirements:

·
Make sure Co include the article with your paper@r a readable photocopy of it
). Your paper will not be counted as complete unless I have received a copy of the article about which you are writing.

· You need to include a references section in which you cite your popular media article and your textbook The “references” section in the back of your text book gives you a good guideline to follow regarding how to cite appropriately. Please ask if you would like some guidance on citation procedures. (You will lose points on your paper if you do not cite the information you use and include a references page!)

· The paper should be typed, 12-point font, double spaced. Although I recommend that your paper be between 2-4 pages, I am more interested in quality than quantity.

· You must hand in your assignment on the date listed above. Late papers are highly discouraged and will receive points off for each day they are late.

· I will also NOT accept papers via e-mail (unless you receive prior written/e-mailed permission from me ahead of time). Do not e-mail me your assignment and expect it to be counted.

· The synthesis of the information in your book and the article should be your own. original work. If you use any outside information, including from the text book and the article, you must cite accordingly! I take plagiarism very seriously. If you have plagiarized any portion of your paper it is grounds for failing the course and may lead to further sanctions.

· Read, re-read, and re-read. Make sure that you have proofread your paper! Pay particular attention to spelling and grammar. Use this paper as a way to practice getting your writing very clear and concise.

Please come to see me with any questions that you may have about the assignment including appropriate articles, synthesis of the information in the text with the information in the article, writing issues, or anything else about which you may need help or clarification. I will absolutely welcome the opportunity to get to know you better and help you to make the most out of this writing exercise.

Hopefully, this assignment will give you the chance to see how Sociology is relevant in our everyday lives. Be as creative as possible in choosing your articles; the more interesting the article, the easier it will be for you to engage the material. Enjoy!

APPENDIX 1 (Section 5a): SAMPLE SIGNATURE ASSIGNMENTS (cont):

Sample 2:

Assignment 1, Culture Shock Analysis

SOCY 100: Introduction to Sociology

Due: Sundap, June 12, (by 11:59 p.m.)

In just about any circumstance in life, one has the potential to experience culture shock, either on a small or large scale. Think about a culture shock scenario that you had at any point in your life. Examples of culture shock that are appropriate for this assignment can include migrating to a new country, going on vacation, trying a new cuisine, converting to a new religion, or going to college, just to name a few. Sociologically analyze your culture shock experience by incorporating several sociological concepts/theories from Chapters 1, 3, and/or 4. Write a 2-4 page paper by following the outline below.

I. Background:

Briefly explain one culture shock experience you had. Include the setting, people involved, and main event(s). Include enough details so the reader can vividly imagine what is happening.

Il. Analysis: In this section you will be applying sociological concepts in order to reach a deeper level of understanding of your experience(s). Make sure this section is very welldeveloped, well-organized, and well-written since your grade depends mainly on your sociological analysis of the culture shock experience.

a. Analyze your culture shock experience by using at least four sociological concepts/ theories learned from Chapters 1, 3, and/or 4. For each concept/theory, you will need to demonstrate that you understand the concept/theory and provide appropriate examples of your culture shock in order to illustrate that you can use the course material to reach a greater depth of understanding. Concepts/theories

must be bolded or underlined in your paper, or they will not be counted in the quota.

The best papers will be those that choose concepts about which you can say something interesting and insightful about your experience with culture shock by looking at it through that particular conceptual/theoretical/sociological lens.

b. In addition, examine the outcomes of your culture shock. What was your reaction to this experience? Were you ethnocentric or culturally relativistic, and how? Also, why you were ethnocentric or culturally relativistic? Be sure to apply your sociological imagination when responding to these questions. Include specific examples or illustrations.

c. Concepts/theories MUST be from Chapters 1, 3, and/or 4 from your textbook.

d. Include an engaging and stimulating conclusion paragraph that summarizes your paper. Demonstrate evidence that you can make connections between all of the main ideas.

A few notes about the assignment:

· You should only be using your Textbook for your source. There is no need tQ use other material to complete this assignment. If, however, you do use outside/additional sources, you MUST BE SURE TO CITE. Using the ideas of others without giving the proper credit (citing) is a form of plagiarism which, according to Montgomery College policy, will result in an F for the assignment and perhaps an F for the course.

Remember — every time you use auuinformationfrom another source including your textbook, whetheryou are directly quoting your book, paraphrasing something, or summarizing, you MUST cite both in the text ofyour paper as well as include a references/citation page at the end of your paper!

APA Style is preferred, however if you are more accustomed to MLA, you are welcome to use MLA instead of APA. For help with citation procedures, please check out some of these websites: http://libguides.montgomerycollege.edu/apa http://owl.english.purdue.edu/owl/resource/560/01/. http://www.princeton.edu/pr/pub/integrity/pages/cite/.

· Your assignment should be typed, double-spaced, 12-point font. Although the paper should be about 2-4 pages, I care much more about quality than the number of pages.

· Please remember to include your last name in the title of your word document, and your full name on the first page of your paper.

· You must submit your paper via our Blackboard page by Sunday, June 12, 1 1 p.m. (Attaching your paper as a word document is preferable.) Late papers are highly discouraged; points will be deducted for late papers.

· Read, re-read, and re-read. Make sure that you have proofread your paper! Pay particular attention to spelling and grammar. Use this paper as a way to practice getting your writing very clear and concise.

APPENDIX 1 (Section 5a): SAMPLE SIGNATURE ASSIGNMENTS (cont):

Sample 3:

Steve Striffler, a social scientist, conducted participant observation research in a chicken factory in Springdale, Arkansas. The reading below uses some passages from his research. Write an essay (3-4 pages) where you refer to at least four specific sociological concepts and at least one sociological theory to analyze Striffleffs participant observation experience. Be specific in your discussion about why and how these concepts and theories can be applied or used to analyze these particular findings. Be certain to bold or underline the concepts and theories that you use; and provide references.

Read the following summary and passages from:

Striffler, Steve. “Undercover In A Chicken Factory.” In Globalization: The Transformation ofSocial

Worlds, D. Stanley Eitzen and Maxine Baca Zinn, ed. Canada, Thomson Wadsworth, 2006: 98-104.

The author applied for a job at Tyson Foods. The receptionist was quite surprised that he wanted a job on the line in the chicken processing factory.

I can understand her confusion. The secretary and I are the only Americans, the only white folk, and the only English speakers in the room. Spanish predominates, but a couple in the corner converses in Lao and a threesome from the Marshall Islands in a micronesian language. the poultry industry has drawn the “workers of the world” to the American South, a region that saw few foreign immigrants during the 20th century. . . . Today, about three-quarters of the workers in the plant are Latin American, with Southeast Asians and Marshallese accounting for many of the rest.. . . Most line workers are women, many in their 40’s and 50’s. In a plant where almost two-thirds of the workers

are male, this fact is telling. On-line jobs are the worst in the plant -monotonously, even dangerously, repetitive. . I learn quickly that “unskilled” labor requires immense skill. (pp. 98, 100)

I am to be the harinero, the breading operator. Michael [the supervisor]can’t do the job himself and [tells me to do what Roberto does]. With five years on the job, Roberto can do every task on the line. . but he gives me little formal training. . unlike virtually everyone else in the plant, he is unimpressed that I speak Spanish There have always been two harineros, one for each line. However, Michael . recently decided to run both lines with only one harinero. He [does this] with virtually all the on-linejobs. . This downsizing has been going on throughout the plant. About six months earlier, a generation of supervisors who had mostly come up through the production lines were more or less forced from theirjobs by a new set ofplant managers. The new managers ordered the older supervisors to push the workers harder and harder. Knowing how hard work on the line could be, many supervisors refused by simply leaving the plant. The managers were then free to replace them with younger, college-educated supervisors like Michael. . [Though Michael is] as consumed by the plant as the rest of us . . . . [he] is the focus of our anger [as he] oversees the downsizing. (pp. 100, 101)

Michael’s inexperience led to decisions that made our lives intolerable. . . We believed we could run the lines better. by concentrating decision making in his own hands, Michael removed the very thing — control over the labor process – that gave the harinero job its meaning. . almost all the workers took great pride in jobs that likewise had been largely degraded. (p. 102)

Noise, supervision, and the job’s intensity limit communication on the plantfloor. The break room is a different situation. Twice a shift, for 30 minutes, workers watch Spanish-language television, eat and exchange food, complain, and relax. Supervisors almost never enter the room. (p. 103).

It is in the context of the break room that Roberto and another colleague eventually tell Steve that he is almost Mexican and they also refer to all workers, regardless of national origin, as being Mexican. (p. 103)

APPENDIX 1 (Section 5a): SAMPLE SIGNATURE ASSIGNMENTS (cont):

Sample 4:

Intro to Sociology

Analysis Paper 3: An Interview on the Time Bind Points Possible: 20

For this assignment, you will need to interview someone who is a parent employed full-time. This person may be either a mother or a father, but they need to have primary custody of a dependent child under the age of 18. The person you choose to speak with should be currently employed and needs to have been employed full time for at least one year.

Once you have identified the person you wish to interview, you should contact them, explain that you wish to interview them and what you will be doing this for, and ask them if they would be willing to sit down with you for about 20 minutes to discuss this. You should tell them that you will not disclose their identity to anyone and that you will use a pseudonym (fake name) for them in your assignment. You should also ask their permission to write about them and to quote them. Make sure to ask them if they have any questions. If they agree to be interviewed, you should set up a date and time to conduct this interview.

Once the time arrives for your scheduled interview, you should explain the assignment to the interviewee again, reading the introduction provided below. You should read the questions exactly as they appear. If the interviewee does not provide a detailed enough answer for you, you should probe them for more information. After you have asked all of the questions below, you should ask them if they have anything else they would like to add. If they do not, you should thank them for taking the time to speak to you and you should offer to show them a copy of your finished assignment if they would like to see it.

You should record the interview and then transcribe it into typed text. Do not alter the language or paraphrase. You should differentiate your words from your interviewee’s words by using boldface, italics, a different font, or by labeling them. You can copy and paste the interview questions into a new document and include the interviewee’s answers below them. Completing the interview and writing out the answers will count for half of your grade (10 points) on this assignment. I would expect that your transcript would be no less than 1.5 pages (single-spaced). While you do not need to submit the audio file, please make it available so that if I have questions, we can refer to it.

The other half of your grade for this assignment (10 points) will require you to reflect on what you have learned in your interview. You will write a 2-page paper (double-spaced) where you:

· Describe your interviewee, including a brief description of their family life and their workplace, noting what sort of work/family balance they seem to have. Remember to use fake names for the people and workplaces involved to protect your interviewee.

· After thinking about the information presented in the Hochschild reading, “The Emotional Geography of Work and Family Life,” on pages 414-427 of the Massey reader, pick one question from the interview where you were able to see parallels between the interviewee’s answers and the research presented by Hochschild. What did you learn? Does this change any of your perceptions of the work/family time bind?

· Given what you learned in your interview, do you think that it is possible to revise work and/or family lives to create a healthier work/family balance? If so, how? If not, why not?

This assignment should be typed, using a 12-point font and 1″ margins. Each page should contain your name and subsequent pages should be numbered. You should submit it to the Blackboard Assignment link under Course Content, Module 3 by 1 1 :59PM on June 17.

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

INTRODUCTION: Hi, how are you doing today? As you know, I am working on a research project for my Intro to Sociology class on the topic of work and parenting. There is no right or wrong answer to these sorts of questions; but, as a full time parent and employee in our society, your views provide me with valuable information on this topic.

In order to make sure that I don’t miss anything that you say during our time together, I will be recording this conversation. If you feel uncomfortable about having the recorder on at any point or if you feel uncomfortable with any question I might ask you, we can stop the interview.

Do you have any questions for me at this point? At any point, if you do have any questions, please feel free to ask. We will begin the interview now. (turn on recorder)

1. Tell me about where you work and the kind of work that you do.

2. Would you describe your workplace as family friendly?

3. Do you ever take work home with you?

a. If so, when do you work on it and how does your family respond?

b. If not, do you think this has any effect on your family life?

4. What happens when one of your children is sick? How do you manage childcare and work responsibilities?

5. How do you manage childcare before and after school when there are conflicts in your work and the school schedule?

6. How do you manage childcare during extended school holidays and summer vacation?

7. Do you think that your worWfamily balance has any impact on the development of your children?

a. If so, do you think that it is positive or negative?

b. If not, why do you think this is the case?

8. Are there any specific changes your workplace could implement that would make it easier for you to balance work and family life?

9. Those are all of the questions that I have. Is there anything else you would like to add?

(turn offrecorder) Thank you for taking the time to speak with me today!

APPENDIX 2 (Section 5c): GRADING STANDARDS

Sociology

General Grading Guidelines

Fall 2016

A: An “A” paper demonstrates a very thorough understanding of the sociological concepts/perspectives and is thoughtfully engaged with the course substance. Students are able to made creative and insightful connections between the course content and past and/or present social phenomena. These papers are exceptionally written, logically organized, free of grammatical and spelling errors, and clearly articulate the main arguments so they are easily understood.

B: A “B” paper contains a number of the strengths of an “A” paper, but often lack the thoughtfulness, originality, and full development of the superior paper. The student has been able to clearly articulate a good understanding of the sociological concepts/ perspectives and makes reasonable connections between the course content and past and/or present phenomena. B papers are well written with only minor organizational, grammatical, or spelling issues.

C: A “C” paper shows an understanding of the assignment and demonstrates some understanding of the sociological concepts/perspectives. The student may begin to make some connections between the course content and past and/or present phenomena, but may lack a depth of understanding of the concepts in order for those connections to be fully developed. These papers are moderately well written, and able to be understood, but may have some organizational, grammatical, or spelling errors.

D: A “D” paper demonstrates a basic understanding of the assignment requirements but may not have all required elements. The student may show a poor understanding of the sociological concepts/perspectives and although attempts may be made to connect the course material to past and/or present social phenomenon, the connections may be superficial or incorrect because of a lack of a full understanding of the course material. “D” papers may contain a number of organizational, grammatical, and spelling issues and may struggle to articulate a clear argument.

F: An “F” paper may not have included all of the assignment requirements and/or did not follow the instructions for the assignment. “F” papers typically show little understanding of the course material and are unable to make connections between the sociological concepts/perspectives and social phenomena. These papers also typically contain many organizational, grammatical, and spelling issues and may be difficult to be understood by the reader.

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Sociology homework help

Film Analysis : you are required to write a 2-5-page paper on one film. You are expected not only to summarize, but also to analyze the film via relevant sociological theory and concepts. 

Film is: Kinsey (2004)

Sociology homework help

Heath Care Systems

Pick an industrialized nation other than the United States and research their health care system. Describe the type of health care provided to citizens: universal, private, single-payer, etc. Compare and contrast the system to that of the United States keeping in the mind the concepts in your text such as infant mortality rate, and access to preventative care, etc. Be detailed in your response and remember to cite your sources. 

Response Parameters

· Minimum 250-word response. Use APA citations as needed

Sociology homework help

Chamberlain University MSW 550 Field Journal


Name: Pamela Easter

Date: April 03, 2022

Site: Probate Court 3

Include what happened, how you feel about it, what thoughts are behind your feelings, what values are at stake, what you can learn from the experience, and what you plan to do.

What happened:

How I feel about it:

What thoughts are behind my feelings:

What values are at stake:

What you can learn from the experience:

What you plan to do:

Sociology homework help

Scholar research only not peer review

Assignment – Assess a Management Policy or Practice 

MSW-5000 v5: Introduction to Social Work (2063218640)

For this week’s assignment, you will identify a news or magazine article (print or online) that discusses how an organization dealt with your social justice issue. Then create a PowerPoint presentation for local policymakers on the social problem you explored. This presentation aims to educate policymakers about a policy and organization connected to your social justice issue.

In this presentation, you will:

· Briefly explain your social justice issue.

· Identify the relevant policy or management practice discussed in the article. 

· Explain how the article illustrates the policy or practice is effective in addressing the social justice issue.

· Discuss and assess how the organization is acting in relation to the concept and whether it is demonstrating best practices.

· Discuss how the organizational behavior is affecting various stakeholders, including members of the community. 

Incorporate appropriate animations, transitions, and graphics, as well as speaker notes for each slide. The speaker notes may be comprised of brief paragraphs or bulleted lists and should cite material appropriately. Support your presentation with at least three scholarly resources. In addition to these specified resources, other appropriate scholarly resources may be included. 

Length: 12-15 slides (with a separate reference slide) Speaker notes length: 100-150 words for each slide

Be sure to include citations for quotations and paraphrases with references in APA format and style where appropriate. Save the file as PPT with the correct course code information.

Sociology homework help

From: Catharine A. MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist
Theory ofthe State; Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1989

7 Sexuality

then she says (and this is what I live through over
and over)—she says: I do not know if sex is an
illusion

I do not know
who I was when I did those things
or who I said I was
or whether I willed to feel
what I had read about
or who in fact was there with me
or whether I knew, even then
that there was doubt about these things

-Adrienne Rich, “Dialogue”

I had always been fond of her in the most innocent, asexual
way. It was as if her body was always entirely hidden behind
her radiant mind, the modesty of her behavior, and her taste
in dress. She had never offered me the slightest chink
through which to view the glow of her nakedness. And now
suddenly the butcher knife of fear had slit her open. She was
as open to me as the carcass of a heifer slit down the middle
and hanging on a hook. There we were . . . and suddenly I
felt a violent desire to make love to her. Or to be more exact,
a violent desire to rape her.

-Milan Kundera, The Book of
Laughter and Forgetting

[S}he had thought of something, something about the body,
about the passions which it was unfitting for her as a woman
to say. Men, her reason told her, would be shocked …
telling the truth about my own experiences as a body, I do
not think I solved. I doubt that any woman has solved it yet.
The obstacles against her are still immensely powerful-and
yet they are very difficult to define.

-Virginia Woolf, “Professions for
Women”

What is it about women’s experience that produces a. distinctive perspective on social reality? How is an
angle of vision and an interpretive hermeneutics of social life created
in the group, women? What happens to women to give them a
particular interest in social arrangements, something to have a
consciousness of? How are the qualities we know as male and female
socially created and enforced on an everyday level? Sexual objectifica-
tion of women-first in the world, then in the head, first in visual
appropriation, then in forced sex, finally in sexual murder I-provides
answers.

Male dominance is sexual. Meaning: men in particular, if not men
alone, sexualize hierarchy; gender is one. As much a sexual theory of
gender as a gendered theory of sex, this is the theory of sexuality that
has grown out of consciousness raising. Recent feminist work, both
interpretive and empirical, on rape, battery, sexual harassment, sexual
abuse of children, prostitution and pornography, support it. 2 These
practices, taken together, express and actualize the distinctive power
of men over women in society; their effective permissibility confirms
and extends it. If one believes women’s accounts of sexual use and
abuse by men;” if the pervasiveness of male sexual violence against
women substantiated in these studies is not denied, minimized, or
excepted as deviant or episodic;” if the fact that only 7.8 percent of
women in the United States are not sexually assaulted or harassed in
their lifetimes is considered not ignorable or inconsequential.? if the
women to whom it happens are not considered expendable; if violation
of women is understood as sexualized on some level-then sexuality
itself can no longer be regarded as unimplicated. Nor can the meaning
of practices of sexual violence be categorized away as violence not sex.
The male sexual role, this information and analysis taken together
suggest, centers on aggressive intrusion on those with less power. Such
acts of dominance are experienced as sexually arousing, as sex itself. 6

They therefore are. The new knowledge on the sexual violation of
women by men thus frames an inquiry into the place of sexuality in
gender and of gender in sexuality.

A feminist theory of sexuality based on these data locates sexuality
within a theory of gender inequality, meaning the social hierarchy of

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128 Method

men over women. To make a theory feminist, it is not enough that it
be authored by a biological female, nor that it describe female
sexuality as different from (if equal to) male sexuality, or as if sexuality
in women ineluctably exists in some realm beyond, beneath, above,
behind-in any event, fundamentally untouched and unmoved by-
an unequal social order. A theory of sexuality becomes feminist
methodologically, meaning feminist in the post-marxist sense, to the
extent it treats sexuality as a social construct of male power: defined by
men, forced on women, and constitutive of the meaning of gender.
Such an approach centers feminism on the perspective of the subordi-
nation of women to men as it identifies sex-that is, the sexuality of
dominance and submission-as crucial, as a fundamental, as on some
level definitive, in that process. Feminist theory becomes a project of
analyzing that situation in order to face it for what it is, in order to
change it.

Focusing on gender inequality without a sexual account of its
dynamics, as most work has, one could criticize the sexism of existing
theories of sexuality and emerge knowing that men author scripts to
their own advantage, women and men act them out; that men set
conditions, women and men have their behavior conditioned; that
men develop developmental categories through which men develop,
and women develop or not; that men are socially allowed selves hence
identities with personalities into which sexuality is or is not well
integrated, women being that which is or is not integrated, that
through the alterity of which a self experiences itself as having an
identity; that men have object relations, women are the objects of
those relations; and so on. Following such critique, one could attempt
to invert or correct the premises or applications of these theories to
make them gender neutral, even if the reality to which they refer looks
more like the theories-once their gender specificity is revealed-than
it looks gender neutral. Or, one could attempt to enshrine a
distinctive “women’s reality” as if it really were permitted to exist as
something more than one dimension of women’s response to a
condition of powerlessness. Such exercises would be revealing and
instructive, even deconstructive, but to limit feminism to correcting
sex bias by acting in theory as if male power did not exist in fact,
including by valorizing in writing what women have had little choice
but to be limited to becoming in life, is to limit feminist theory the
way sexism limits women’s lives: to a response to terms men set.

Sexuality 129

A distinctively feminist theory conceptualizes social reality, includ-
ing sexual reality, on its own terms. The question is, what are they?
If women have been substantially deprived not only of their own
experience but of terms of their own in which to view it, then a
feminist theory of sexuality which seeks to understand women’s
situation in order to change it must first identify and criticize the
construct “sexuality” as a construct that has circumscribed and defined
experience as well as theory. This requires capturing it in the world,
in its siruated social meanings, as it is being constructed in life on a
daily basis. It must be studied in its experienced empirical existence,
not just in the texts of history (as Foucault does), in the social psyche
(as Lacan does), or in language (as Derrida does). Sexual meaning is not
made only, or even primarily, by words and in texts. It is made in
social relations of power in the world, through which process gender
is also produced. In feminist terms, the fact that male power has power
means that the interests of male sexuality construct what sexuality as
such means, including the standard way it is allowed and recognized
to be felt and expressed and experienced, in a way that determines
women’s biographies, including sexual ones. Existing theories, until
they grasp this, will not only misattribute what they call female
sexuality to women as such, as if it were not imposed on women daily;
they will also participate in enforcing the hegemony of the social
construct “desire,” hence its product, “sexuality,” hence its construct
“woman,” on the world.

The gender issue, in this analysis, becomes the issue of what is
taken to be “sexuality”; what sex means and what is meant by sex,
when, how, with whom, and with what consequences to whom. Such
questions are almost never systematically confronted, even in dis-
courses that purport feminist awareness. What sex is-how it comes to
be attached and attributed to what it is, embodied and practiced as it
is, contextualized in the ways it is, signifying and referring to what it
does-is taken as a baseline, a given, except in explanations of what
happened when it is thought to have gone wrong. It is as if “erotic,”
for example, can be taken as having an understood referent, although
it is never defined, except to imply that it is universal yet individual,
ultimately variable and plastic, essentially indefinable but overwhelm-
ingly positive. “Desire,” the vicissitudes of which are endlessly
extolled and philosophized in culture high and low, is riot seen as
fundamentally problematic or as calling for explanation on the

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I30 Method

concrete, interpersonal operative level, unless (again) it is supposed to
be there and is not. To list and analyze what seem to be the essential
elements for male sexual arousal, what has to be there for the penis to
work, seems faintly blasphemous, like a pornographer doing market
research. Sex is supposed both too individual and too universally
transcendent for that. To suggest that the sexual might be continuous
with something other than sex itself-something like politics-is
seldom done, is treated as detumescent, even by feminists. It is as if
sexuality comes from the stork.

Sexuality, in feminist light, is not a discrete sphere of interaction or
feeling or sensation or behavior in which preexisting social divisions
mayor may not be played out. It is a pervasive dimension of social life,
one that permeates the whole, a dimension along which gender occurs
and through which gender is socially constituted; it is a dimension
along which other social divisions, like race and class, partly play
themselves out. Dominance eroticized defines the imperatives of its
masculinity, submission eroticized defines its femininity. So many
distinctive features of women’s status “as second class-the restriction
and constraint and contortion, the servility and the display, the
self-mutilation and requisite presentation of self as a beautiful thing,
the enforced passivity, the humiliation-are made into the content of
sex for women. Being a thing for sexual use is fundamental to it. This
approach identifies not just a sexuality that is shaped under conditions
of gender inequality but reveals this sexuality itself to be the dynamic
of the inequality of the sexes. It is to argue that the excitement at
reduction of a person to a thing, to less than a human being, as socially
defined, is its fundamental motive force. It is to argue that sexual
difference is a function of sexual dominance. It is to argue a sexual
theory of the distribution of social power by gender, in which this
sexuality that is sexuality is substantially what makes the gender
division be what it is, which is male dominant, wherever it is, which
is nearly everywhere.

Across cultures, in this perspective, sexuality is whatever a given
culture or subculture defines it as. The next question concerns its
relation to gender as a division of power. Male dominance appears to
exist cross-culturally, if in locally particular forms. Across cultures, is
whatever defines women as “different” the same as whatever defines
women as “inferior” the same as whatever defines women’s “sexuality”?
Is that which defines gender inequality as merely the sex difference also

Sexuality I3 I

the content of the erotic, cross-culturally? In this view, the feminist
theory of sexuality is its theory of politics, its distinctive contribution
to social and political explanation. To explain gender inequality in
terms of “sexual politics” is to advance not only a political theory of
the sexual that defines gender but also a sexual theory of the political
to which gender is fundamental.

In this approach, male power takes the social form of what men as
a gender want sexually, which centers on power itself, as socially
defined. In capitalist countries, it includes wealth. Masculinity is
having it; femininity is not having it. Masculinity precedes male as
femininity precedes female, and male sexual desire defines both.
Specifically, “woman” is defined by what male desire requires for
arousal and satisfaction and is socially tautologous with “female
sexuality” and “the female sex.” In the permissible ways a woman can
be treated, the ways that are socially considered not violations but
appropriate to her nature, one finds the particulars of male sexual
interests and requirements. In the concomitant sexual paradigm, the
ruling norms of sexual attraction and expression are fused with gender
identity formation and affirmation, such that sexuality equals hetero-
sexuality equals the sexuality of (male) dominance and (female)
submission.

Post-Lacan, actually post-Foucault, it has become customary to
affirm that sexuality is socially constructed. 8 Seldom specified is what,
socially, it is constructed of, far less who does the constructing or how,
when, or where.” When capitalism is the favored social construct,
sexuality is shaped and controlled and exploited and repressed by
capitalism; not, capitalism creates sexuality as we know it. When
sexuality is a construct of discourses of power, gender is never one of
them; force is central to its deployment but through repressing it, not
through constituting it; speech is not concretely investigated for its
participation in this construction process. Power is everywhere there-
fore nowhere, diffuse rather than pervasively hegemonic. “Con-
structed” seems to mean influenced by, directed, channeled, as a
highway constructs traffic patterns. Not: Why cars? Who’s driving?
Where’;’ everybody going? What makes mobility matter? Who can
own a car? Are all these accidents not very accidental? Although there
are partial exceptions (but disclaimers notwithstanding) the typical
model of sexuality which is tacitly accepted remains deeply Freudian lO

and essentialist: sexuality is an innate sui generis primary natural

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I32 Method

prepolitical unconditioned 11 drive divided along the biological gender
line, centering on heterosexual intercourse, that is, penile intromis-
sion, full actualization of which is repressed by civilization. Even if the
sublimation aspect of this theory is rejected, or the reasons for the
repression are seen to vary (for the survival of civilization or to
maintain fascist control or to keep capitalism moving), sexual expres-
sion is implicitly seen as the expression of something that is to a
significanr extent pre-social and is socially denied its full force.
Sexuality remains largely pre-cultural and universally invariant, social
only in that it needs society to take socially specific forms. The
impetus itself is a hunger, an appetite founded on a need; what it is
specifically hungry for and how it is satisfied is then open to endless
cultural and individual variance, like cuisine, like cooking.

Allowed/not allowed is this sexuality’s basic ideological axis. The
fact that sexuality is ideologically bounded is known. That these are its
axes, central to the way its “drive” is. driven, and that this is
fundamental to gender and gender is fundamental to it, is not. 12 Its
basic normative assumption is that whatever is consideredsexuality
should be allowed to be “expressed.” Whatever is called sex is
attributed a normatively positive valence, an affirmative valuation.
This ex cathedra assumption, affirmation of which appears indispens-
able to one’s credibility on any subject that gets near the sexual, means
that sex as such (whatever it is) is good-natural, healthy, positive,
appropriate, pleasurable, wholesome, fine, one’s own, and to be
approved and expressed. This, sometimes characterized as “sex-
positive,” is, rather obviously, a value judgment.

Kinsey and his followers, for example, clearly thought (and think)
the more sex the better. Accordingly, they trivialize even most of
those cases of rape and child sexual abuse they discern as such, decry
women’s sexual refusal as sexual inhibition, and repeatedly interpret
women’s sexual disinclination as “restrictions” on men’s natural sexual
activity, which left alone would emulate (some) animals. 13 Followers
of the neo-Freudian derepression imperative have similarly identified
the frontier of sexual freedom with transgression of social restraints on
access, with making the sexually disallowed allowed, especially male
sexual access to anything. The struggle to have everything sexual
allowed in a society we are told would collapse if it were, creates a
sense of resistance to, and an aura of danger around, violating the
powerless. If we knew the boundaries were phony, existed only to

Sexuality I33

eroticize the targeted transgressable, would penetrating them feel less
sexy? Taboo and crime may serve to eroticize what would otherwise
feel about as much like dominance as taking candy from a baby.
Assimilating actual powerlessness to male prohibition, to male power,
provides the appearance of resistance, which makes overcoming
possible, while never undermining the reality of power, or its dignity,
by giving the powerless actual power. The point is, allowed/not
allowed becomes the ideological axis along which sexuality is experi-
enced when and because sex-gender and sexuality-is about power.

One version of the derepression hypothesis that purports feminism
is: civilization having been male dominated, female sexuality has been
repressed, not allowed. Sexuality as such still centers on what would
otherwise be considered the reproductive act, on intercourse: penetra-
tion of the erect penis into the vagina (or appropriate substitute
orifices), followed by thrusting to male ejaculation. If reproduction
actually had anything to do with what sex was for, it would not
happen every night (or even twice a week) for forty or fifty years, nor
would prostitutes exist. “We had sex three times” typically means the
man entered the woman three times and orgasmed three times. Female
sexuality in this model refers to the presence of this theory’s
“sexuality,” or the desire to be so treated, in biological females;
“female” is somewhere between an adjective and a noun, half
possessive and half biological ascription. Sexual freedom means women
are allowed to behave as freely as men to express this sexuality, to have
it allowed, that is (hopefully) shamelessly and without social con-
straints to initiate genital drive satisfaction through heterosexual
intercourse. 14 Hence, the liberated woman. Hence, the sexual revo-
lution.

The pervasiveness of such assumptions about sexuality throughout
otherwise diverse methodological traditions is suggested by the
following comment by a scholar of violence against women:

If women were to escape the culturally stereotyped role of disinterest in
and resistance to sex and to take on an assertive role in expressing their
own sexuality, rather than leaving it to the assertiveness of men, it
would contribute to the reduction of rape … First, and most
obviously, voluntary sex would be available to more men, thus
reducing the “need” for rape. Second, and probably more important, it
would help to reduce the confounding of sex and aggression. 15

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134 Method

In this view, somebody must be assertive for sex to happen. Voluntary
sex-sexual equality-means equal sexual aggression. If women freely
expressed “their own sexuality,” more heterosexual intercourse would
be initiated. Women’s “resistance” to sex is an imposed cultural
stereotype, not a form of political struggle. Rape is occasioned by
women’s resistance, not by men’s force; or, male force, hence rape, is
created by women’s resistance to sex. Men would rape less if they got
more voluntarily compliant sex from women. Corollary: the force in

rape is not sexual to men.
Underlying this quotation lurks the view, as common as it is tacit,

that if women would just accept the contact men now have to rape to
get-if women would stop resisting or (in one of the pornographers’
favorite scenarios) become sexual aggressors-rape would wither away.
On one level, this is a definitionally obvious truth. When a woman
accepts what would be rape if she did not accept it, what happens is
sex. If women were to accept forced sex as sex, “voluntary sex would
be available to more men.” If such a view is not implicit in this text,
it is a mystery how women equally aggressing against men sexually
would eliminate, rather than double, the confounding of sex and
aggression. Without such an assumption, only the confounding of
sexual aggression with gender would be eliminated. If women no
longer resisted male sexual aggression, the confounding of sex with
aggression would, indeed, be so epistemologically complete that it
would be eliminated. No woman would ever be sexually violated,
because sexual violation would be sex. The situation might resemble
the one evoked by a society categorized as “rape-free” in part because

.’ h” . ,,16 S hthe men assert there IS no rape t ere: our women never resist. uc
pacification also occurs in “rape-prone” societies like the United
States, where some force may be perceived as force, but only above

certain threshold standards. 17
While intending the opposite, some feminists have encouraged and

participated in this type of analysis by conceiving rape as violence, not
sex. 18 While this approach gave needed emphasis to rape’s previously
effaced elements of power and dominance, it obscured its elements of
sex. Aside from failing to answer the rather obvious question, if it is
violence not sex, why didn’t he just hit her? this approach made it
impossible to see that violence is sex when it is practiced as sex. 19 This
is obvious once what sexuality is, is understood as a matter of what it

Sexuality 135

means and how it is interpreted. To say rape is violence not sex
preserves the “sex is good” norm by simply distinguishing forced sex
as “not sex,” whether it means sex to the perpetrator or even, later, to
the victim, who has difficulty experiencing sex without reexperiencing
the rape. Whatever is sex cannot be violent; whatever is violent cannot
be sex. This analytic wish-fulfillment makes it possible for rape to be
opposed by those who would save sexuality from the rapists while
leaving the sexual fundamentals of male dominance intact.

While much previous work on rape has analyzed it as a problem of
inequality between the sexes but not as a problem of unequal sexuality
on the basis of gender, 20 other contemporary explorations of sexuality
that purport to be feminist lack comprehension either of gender as a
form of social power or of the realities of sexual violence. For instance,
the editors of Powers of Desire take sex “as a central form of expression,
one that defines identity and is seen as a primary source of energy and
pleasure. ,,21 This may be how it “is seen,” but it is also how the
editors, operatively, see it. As if women choose sexuality as definitive
of identity. As if it is as much a form of women’s “expression” as it is
men’s. As if violation and abuse are not equally central to sexuality as
women live it.

The Diary of the Barnard conference on sexuality pervasively
equates sexuality with “pleasure.” “Perhaps the overall question we
need to ask is: how do women … negotiate sexual pleasure?”zz As if
women under male supremacy have power to. As if “negotiation” is a
form of freedom. As if pleasure and how to get it, rather than
dominance and how to end it, is the “overall” issue sexuality presents
feminism. As if women do just need a good fuck. In these texts, taboos
are treated as real restrictions-as things that really are not allowed-
instead of as guises under which hierarchy is eroticized. The domain of
the sexual is divided into “restriction, repression, and danger” on the
one hand and “exploration, pleasure, and agency” on the other. 23 This
division parallels the ideological forms through which dominance and
submission are eroticized, variously socially coded as heterosexuality’s
male/female, lesbian culture’s butch/femme, and sadomasochism’s
top/borrorn.j” Speaking in role terms, the one who pleasures in the
illusion of freedom and security within the reality of danger is the
“girl”; the one who pleasures in the reality of freedom and security
within the illusion of danger- is the “boy.” That is, the Diary un-

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136 Method

critically adopts as an analytic tool the central dynamic of the phe-
nomenon it purports to be analyzing. Presumably, one is to have a
sexual experience of the text.

The terms of these discourses preclude or evade crucial feininist
questions. What do sexuality and gender inequality have to do with
each other? How do dominance and submission become sexualized, or,
why is hierarchy sexy? How does it get attached to male and female?
Why does sexuality center on intercourse, the reproductive act by
physical design? Is masculinity the enjoyment of violation, femininity
the enjoyment of being violated? Is that the social meaning of
intercourse? Do “men love death,,?25 Why? What is the etiology of
heterosexuality in women? Is its pleasure women’s stake in subordi-
nation?

Taken together and taken seriously, feminist inquiries into the
realities of rape, battery, sexual harassment, incest, child sexual abuse,
prostitution, and pornography answer these questions by suggesting a
theory of the sexual mechanism. Its script, learning, conditioning,
developmental logos, imprinting of the microdot, its deus ex machina,
whatever sexual process term defines sexual arousal itself, is force,
power’s expression. Force is sex, not just sexualized; force is the desire
dynamic, not just a response to the desired object when desire’s
expression is frustrated. Pressure, gender socialization, withholding
benefits, extending indulgences, the how-to books, the sex therapy are
the soft end; the fuck, the fist, the street, the chains, the poverty are
the hard end. Hostility and contempt, or arousal of master to slave,
together with awe and vulnerability, or arousal of slave to master-
these are the emotions of this sexuality’s excitement. “Sadomasochism
is to sex what war is to civil life: the magnificent experience,” wrote
Susan Sontag. 26 “[IJt is hostility-the desire, overt or hidden, to harm
another person-that generates and enhances sexual excitement,”
wrote Robert Stoller. 27 Harriet jacobs, a slave, speaking of her
systematic rape by her master, wrote, “It seems less demeaning to give
one’s self, than to submit to compulsion.t”” It is clear from the data
that the force in sex and the sex in force is a matter of simple empirical
description-unless one accepts that force in sex is not force anymore,
it is just sex; or, if whenever a woman is forced it is what she really
wants, or it or she does not matter; or, unless prior aversion or
sentimentality substitutes what one wants sex to be, or will condone
or countenance as sex, for what is actually happening.

Sexuality 137

To be clear: what is sexual is what gives a man an erection.
Whatever it takes to make a penis shudder and stiffen with the
experience of its potency is what sexuality means culturally. Whatever
else does this, fear does, hostility does, hatred does, the helplessness of
a child or a student or an infantilized or restrained or vulnerable
woman does, revulsion does, death does. Hierarchy, a constant
creation of person/thing, top/bottom, dominance/subordination rela-
tions, does. What is understood as violation, conventionally penetra-
tion and intercourse, defines the paradigmatic sexual encounter. The
scenario of sexual abuse is: you do what I say. These textualities and
these relations, situated within as well as creating a context of power
in which they can be lived our, become sexuality. All this suggests
that what is called sexuality is the dynamic of control by which male
dominance-in forms that range from intimate to institutional, from
a look to a rape-eroticizes and thus defines man and woman, gender
identity and sexual pleasure. It is also that which maintains and
defines male supremacy as a political system. Male sexual desire is
thereby simultaneously created and serviced, never satisfied once and
for all, while male force is romanticized, even sacralized, potentiated
and naturalized, by being submerged into sex itself.

In contemporary philosophical terms, nothing is “indeterminate” in
the post-structuralist sense here; it is all too determinate. 29 Nor does
its reality provide just one perspective on a relativistic interpersonal
world that could mean anything or its oppositc.i'” The reality of
pervasive sexual abuse and its erotization does not shift relative to
perspective, although whether or not one will see it or accord it
significance may. Interpretation varies relative to place in sexual
abuse, certainly; but the fact that women are sexually abused as
women, located in a social matrix of sexualized subordination, does
not go away because it is often ignored or authoritatively disbelieved
or interpreted out of existence. Indeed, some ideological supports for
its persistence rely precisely upon techniques of social indeterminacy:
no language but the obscene to describe the unspeakable; denial by the
powerful casting doubt on the facticity of the injuries; actually driving
its victims insane. Indeterminacy, in this light, is a nee-Cartesian
mind game that raises acontexrualized interpretive possibilities that
have no real social mea

Sociology homework help

SOC-449 Direct Practice Errors Worksheet

In social work, it is imperative to know direct practice errors and how to avoid them as well as how to recommend ways to overcome direct practice errors. This assignment will help develop this skill:

Complete this assignment while watching the “Probation Officer: Session 1” video assessing the Case Manager’s skill set. Cite two to four scholarly sources to support your answers:

“Probation Officer Session 1”

Best Practices-

Briefly explain any best practices you saw in the video (75-100 words):

Direct Practice Errors-

Briefly explain any direct practice errors you saw in the video (75-100 words):


Summary: (250-300 words)

In this section, summarize what you saw in the video. Explain any nonverbal and verbal behaviors. How did the client respond to the

Probation Officer? Explain if there were judgments made or question stacking. Finally, explain how you would have approached this

session differently.

References

© 2021. Grand Canyon University. All Rights Reserved.

Sociology homework help

Week 4 449

North American Association of Christian Social Workers (NACSW)

Explore the North American Association of Christian Social Workers (NACSW) website.


http://www.nacsw.org/

A Qualitative Examination of the Experiences of Christian Students in Social Work Educational Programs

Read “A Qualitative Examination of the Experiences of Christian Students in Social Work Educational Programs,” by Barker… Read More

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Group Supervision in Social Work: A Model of Intervention for Practitioners

Read “Group Supervision in Social Work: A Model of Intervention for Practitioners,” by Osvat, Marc, & Makai-Dimeny, from … Read More

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The Power of Group Work With Kids: A Practitioner’s Reflection on Strengths-Based Practice.

Read “The Power of Group Work With Kids: A Practitioner’s Reflection on Strengths-Based Practice,” by Malekoff, from … Read More

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Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills

Read Chapters 10, 11, 15 and 16 in Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills.

Mindtap you already have

View Resource

GCU Statement on the Integration of Faith and Work

Use the “GCU Statement on the Integration of Faith and Work” to assist you in completing assignments and discussion questions…. Read More

https://www.gcu.edu/Documents/Statement-IFLW.pdf

The Mystery and the Magic of the Group: What Happens Here That Happens Nowhere Else

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Sociology homework help

ISLAM

IN YOUR OWN WORDS, BRIEFLY EXPLAIN the 5 OFFICIAL PILLARS of ISLAM:

1-Shahadah:
2-Salat:
3-Sawm:
4-Zakat:
5-Hajj:

IN YOUR OWN WORDS, BRIEFLY EXPLAIN these ASPECTS of ISLAMIC HISTORY & DOCTRINE:

6-Rasul:
7-Kaaba:
8-Night of Power & Excellence (Lailat al Qadr):
9-Hijrah:
10-Dar al Islam:
11-Dar al Harb:
12-Jihad:
13-Dawah:
14-Tawhid:
15-Shirk:

IN YOUR OWN WORDS, BRIEFLY EXPLAIN these ASPECTS of ISLAMIC LAW:
16-Shariah:
17-Fiqh:
18-Fatwah:

IN YOUR OWN WORDS, BRIEFLY EXPLAIN these ASPECTS of ISLAMIC FOOD:

19-Halal:
20-Mashbuh/Mushtabahat:
21-Makruh:
22-Haram:

Sociology homework help

Nomadism in Research on Roma Education

Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen
solvor.m.lauritzen@mf.no

Associate Professor in Education
MF Norwegian School of Theology, Religion and Society

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1357-775X

Dr. Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen is Associate Professor in Education at MF Norwegian School of
Theology, Religion and Society in Oslo, Norway. Her research interests focus on peace education,
multicultural education, and critical pedagogy.

Vol. 1, No. 2, 2018, 58–75 • DOI: 10.29098/crs.v1i2.2

Abstract
This paper analyzes to what degree and how educational
research from a European context explains Roma disadvantage
in education by referring to nomadism. Three thematic areas
emerged from an analysis of 55 research papers. First, that Roma
are closely associated with nomadism in the literature, creating an
essentialist discourse. Second, that anti-nomadism contributes to
explaining and justifying Roma exclusion. Third, that this impacts
how the relationship between Roma and education is uderstood.
Nomadism is seen as both incompatible with and in opposition
to education, and nomadic learning is seen as a distinct learning
style. All in all, the analysis shows that knowledge production
on Roma and education has established a discourse where it is
legitimate to use nomadism to explain Roma disadvantage in
education. This understanding builds on an essentialist view
of Romani culture, and it elaborates and sustains key tropes of
antigypsyist discourses.

Keywords
• Roma
• Education
• Nomadism
• Anti-nomadism
• Antigypsyism

Critical Romani Studies60

Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen

Introduction
Several years ago I taught a course on national minorities to students pursuing teacher education in
Norway. As these students were new to the field, they unwittingly reflected some common stereotypes
related to Romani culture and integration. They were shocked to learn how minorities had been
persecuted by the state, but when our discussion turned to present-day integration in the classroom, the
answer boiled down to how Roma integration basically was impossible because “they travel all the time.”
Although most of them had never had Roma students in their classes, they assumed that integration
was impossible due to nomad traditions. This made me wonder why the nomad aspect of Romani
culture was present so strongly in the students’ consciousness, and why this trait was viewed as such an
insurmountable challenge for the education system.

Established truths about Roma and how these are created and upheld in knowledge production have
been challenged by critical scholars in recent years. An important contribution was made in 2015 in the
Roma Rights Journal titled “Nothing about Us without Us? Roma Participation in Policy making and
Knowledge Production.” Starting from the acknowledgement that knowledge production and owning the
truth are linked closely with power, the journal challenged the existing knowledge production in Romani
Studies (Bogdán, Ryder, and Taba 2015). Established truths such as Roma being a static category, Roma
as internal other, and Roma stereotyping were addressed in the journal, which argued that research on
Roma has created and upheld such truths to a large extent (Klahn 2015). The authors called for a new
direction in Romani Studies where critical perspectives on power and knowledge are to be considered
and where Romani scholars take part in the production of scholarship to a larger extent than ever before.

With the story of the students as a starting point, I became interested in exploring how nomadism was
used in knowledge production on Roma education. I was interested in finding out whether arguments
similar to those of the students also existed in educational research on Roma. Specifically, I was interested
in exploring whether Roma disadvantage in education was explained by referring to nomadism so
that Roma could be blamed for their own exclusion. This particular question was not new to Romani
Studies, where several researchers have criticized the established scholarship for how the relationship
between Romani culture and education is understood. For example, Trehan (2009) argues that scholars
keep upholding essentialist views on Roma culture where “Romani culture itself is [seen as] inimical to
education” (50). Brüggemann (2014) further provides an example of such scholarship where “nomadic
lifestyle,” among other factors, shoulders the blame for the creation of a particular Romani education
system where “reading and writing are supposed to be ‘alien concepts’ and schools are ‘alien institutions’
viewed as ‘inimical’ to Romani culture” (442). Rozzi (2017) further claims that the supposed resistance
towards education is by some researchers seen as an essential characteristic of Roma: “The tendency to
refuse integration and regular school attendance is interpreted as an ‘inborn tendency’, somehow related
to the nomadic tradition of the Roma population” (20).

This article supplements the above research by providing a broader analysis of how nomadism is used
in research on Roma and education. The following research question is asked: To what degree and how
does educational research explain Roma disadvantage in education by referring to nomadism? The article

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Nomadism in Research on Roma Education

does not try to explain Roma disadvantage in education but does address exclusively how the relationship
between Roma, nomadism, and education has emerged in the research literature. The paper does not
consider ways in which nomadism and education are or could be compatible. (For empirical discussions
on education and nomadism, see, for example, Griffin 2014; Danaher, Kenny, and Leder 2009.)

1. Method
A two-stage process was used to select the material for the analysis that follows in this article. First, 151
peer-reviewed journal articles were identified for review (Lauritzen and Nodeland 2018). These papers
were gathered through digital searches combining the terms Gyps*, Roma*, or Traveller*, with education*
or school*. The searches were carried out in four international databases commonly used in educational
research: (1) the Education Resources Information Center (ERIC), (2) Sociological abstracts, (3) Web
of Science, and (4) PsycINFO. The sample was limited to articles written in English, with a European
context, and published in the last 20 years (1997–2016). After the articles had been sampled based on
these criteria, those that either were off-topic or did not cover education were removed from the sample.[1]
Using this slimmed-down sample as the starting point, the terms nomad*, sedentar*, and itiner* were
searched for within these articles. Fifty-five of the 151 articles included one or more of these terms and
were included in the sample for this paper.

The sample includes papers discussing the following European contexts: Croatia (1), Czech Republic (3),
Greece (5), Ireland (5), Italy (4), Portugal (1), Romania (2), Slovakia (1), Slovenia and Serbia (2), Spain
(4), and the United Kingdom (25). Another two papers discuss the European level. It is unlikely that this
sample is representative of the research field as a whole. The UK is overrepresented by nearly half of the
papers, while countries with large Romani populations such as Romania are underrepresented, and large
European countries such as Germany and France are unrepresented. This may be because the sample only
includes research written in English from peer-reviewed journals, which favors the UK context. Further,
references to nomadism might be more prominent in educational research in the UK and Ireland, where
semi-nomadism is used more commonly to describe Traveller ethnicity.

The 55 sampled papers were uploaded into ATLAS.ti for coding. Only the paragraphs where the terms
nomad*, sedentary*, or itiner* appeared were included in the coding process. Each paragraph where one
of the terms emerged was read through, and as is common in inductively-inspired research, codes were
created and applied in the process. At the end of the process, the paragraphs were assigned 12 codes.[2]
I allowed for multiple coding, and a single paragraph often was given several codes. The codes formed the
basis for writing the analysis presented in this article.

1 This included papers primarily grounded in a different subject area. See Lauritzen and Nodeland (2018) for a more detailed
description.

2 These were: anti-education, anti-nomadism, assimilation, comparisons, definitions, discriminatory practices, education, forced
sedentarization, identity, nomadic essentialism, nomadic lifestyle, and nomadic practices.

Critical Romani Studies62

Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen

There are several limitations to this study. The inclusion and exclusion criteria in the data collection
influenced what data was analyzed and therefore influenced the findings. Applying other keywords, other
geographical contexts, research in other languages, and using other databases would produce different
material. Moreover, this study only considered quotes and paragraphs where one of the keywords
emerged, meaning that they were taken out of context. This article does not consider the wider context
of each article or the context on which the articles were reporting and does not claim to represent some
generalizable truth.

2. Analysis
As the research question asks “to what degree and how does educational research explain Roma
disadvantage in education by referring to nomadism,” the main goal is to answer how nomadism,
itineracy, and sedentarism emerged in the research literature on Roma and education. The analysis is
presented under three main headings: Roma and nomadism; Roma and anti-nomadism; and Roma,
nomadism, and education. These three categories emerged from the coding process. The categories are,
however, not mutually exclusive but rather overlap and feed into each other. At times, the same papers
and even the same quotes are used to illustrate points under all headings. The categories also build on
each other to form the main argument.

2.1 Roma and Nomadism

In this first section I discuss the association of Roma and nomadism in the literature, and how this
association at times creates an essentialist discourse. A range of the papers apply variants of the terms
nomadic or sedentary in order to define Roma (Gobbo 2004; Bhopal and Myers 2009; McCaffery 2009;
Bhopal 2011a; Bhopal 2011b; Pahic et al. 2011; D’Arcy 2012; Murray 2012; Deuchar and Bhopal 2013).
Others do not explicitly state that Roma are nomadic but use different variants of the term “sedentary” to
define gadje (e.g., Salinas 2007; O’Hanlon 2010; Murray 2012). For example, although Myers et al. (2010)
recognize that “the families included in our study being housed or living on permanent sites” (546),
they still write “the sedentary population” (ibid.) when referring to the non-Romani population. Roma
therefore are identified as nomads by proxy.

Nomadism is further upheld as an important external identity marker, such as when McCaffery (2009)
writes that “the movement from place to place and temporary encampments has possibly more than
anything else marked them out from the settled communities” (647). Although the quote seems to give
a neutral observation, it is upholding movement as the most important identity marker imposed by
outsiders. The latter point is explicitly mentioned by Levinson and Sparkes (2005) who highlight that
“[I]mages of the Gypsy nomad, [are] (…) constructed by outsiders” (752). This externally imposed
identity marker of nomadism is perhaps most evident in policy documents where it is stated explicitly
that Roma must travel in order to be recognized as an ethnic minority, for example, in the Race
Relations Act in Britain (Lloyd and McCluskey 2008). Two papers mention a nomadic lifestyle as
an internal identity marker (Bhopal 2011b; Levinson 2015), although Levinson (2015) argues that

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Nomadism in Research on Roma Education

other identity markers such as occupational identity is increasingly replacing nomadism among the
important identity markers.

In some cases, Roma is so closely associated with nomadism that it creates an essentialist discourse.
Essentialism is here understood as the view that there are certain static elements within Romani people
or culture that are either unchangeable or seen as necessary for a person or cultural practice to be
characterized as Romani. A clear example is where Enguita (2004) resigns to a description of what she
labels “an extreme type of Gypsy way of life” when trying to define Roma:

What I do know is that there is, let us say, an extreme type of Gypsy way of life based on a
clan, itinerancy, a combination of self-employment and subsistence economy, very different
from the Gadge way of life, and that, at some point in between lie most individual Gypsies
(…). I am convinced that we shall be better placed to understand the problems of all of them,
even those who are closer to the Gadge world, by reference to this extreme type than looking
for a mean or modal type that would be difficult to find (202–203).

According to the author, some Roma are more Romani than other, and one of the ingredients of “extreme”
Romaniness is leading an itinerant life. What is particularly noteworthy in this rather disturbing quote
is that Romaniness is associated exclusively with difference, the opposite of what is seen as gadje. The
discussion implies that some Roma are more Romani than others, and that the more a person interacts
and associates with “the Gadge way of life”, the less Romani a person becomes. Even though the author
acknowledges that “most individual Gypsies” are not representative for the “extreme type of Gypsy life”,
she all the same argues that all Roma people are best understood by reference to “the extreme,” including
being itinerant.

In other instances nomadism and the role of family in Romani culture is seen in connection. For example:
“The extended family is the embodiment of community for Travellers and not a particular geographical
location” (Murray 2012, 571).

A few authors further argue that Romani mindsets are essentially nomadic whether they are leading
nomadic lives or not (e.g., Lloyd et al. 1999; Levinson and Sparkes 2005; Murray 2012). In one instance
this apparent commitment to nomadism is mentioned as a similarity between Roma from the UK and
elsewhere in Europe: “They share cultural features with other European Roma/Gypsy groups such as (…)
the expression of a strong commitment to a nomadic lifestyle even when living in a house” (Lloyd and
McCluskey 2008, 333).

Although the above analysis reveals an essentialist discourse, there are also papers where such views are
challenged. A range of papers underline that not all Roma are nomads (Lloyd et al. 1999; Kiddle 2000;
Neustupný and Nekvapil 2003; Levinson 2007; Liégeois 2007; McCaffery 2009; Themelis 2009; Bereményi
2011; Murray 2012; Macura-Milovanović et al. 2013; Macura-Milovanović and Peček 2013; Brüggemann
2014; Rosário et al., 2014; Noula et al. 2015). Sedentariness is described as a free choice (Noula et al. 2015)
or as a result of assimilation and discrimination (Murray 2012). It is also highlighted in several papers
that there are great varieties between different groups who are pursuing a nomadic lifestyle (e.g., Kiddle

Critical Romani Studies64

Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen

2000; O’Hanlon 2010), and that use of the dichotomy between nomadism and sedentariness disguise
heterogeneity among Roma (Levinson and Sparkes 2005). Further, both Derrington (2005) and Zachos
(2012) address how static cultural explanations are often promoted at the expense of culture as a dynamic
concept, including the view that Roma are helplessly nomadic whether they want it or not.

2.2 Roma and Anti-nomadism

In this section I will explore instances where anti-nomadic policies and practices are described and
instances where the authors themselves express anti-nomadic attitudes, before concluding the section
with analyzing examples where nomadism is blamed for Roma exclusion.

Several papers explicitly refer to anti-nomadism. For example, New and Merry (2010) argue that nomadism
has been associated with disease and lawlessness, and several authors argue that such negativity towards
nomadism is understood best as a variation of hostility towards Roma (Levinson and Sparkes 2005; New
and Merry 2010; Hamilton, Bloomer, and Potter 2012). Others argue that the constructed dichotomy
between nomadism and sedentariness is being used to construct otherness (as argued by Doubek et
al. 2015) and that nomadism has been interpreted as a racial practice and used as an ethnic marker to
distinguish Roma from non-Roma (New and Merry 2010). This ethnic otherness is argued to have been
used to strengthen nationalism among non-Roma (Devine et al. 2008; Kitching 2010; Setti 2015).

Setti (2015) gives an example from the Italian context, arguing that “the exonyms ‘Nomadic’ and ‘Gypsies’
were used negatively in order to develop a sense of nationalism in the newly created Italian State, denoting
Roma and Sinti people as ‘ideal inner enemies’ to distinguish them from ‘true’ Italian people” (Setti 2015,
116). An example of such discourse is found in another paper from the Italian context where Trentin et al.
(2006) uses nomadism to draw a distinction between “Gypsies” and “our culture”: “[G]ypsies have been
present on the Italian territory for centuries and, because of their nomadism, have spread everywhere.
Our culture, however, is designed for settled societies” (Trentin et al. 2006, 80, emphasis added). Similarly,
Enguita (2004) equates nomads with “Gypsies” and draws a stark contrast between sedentary and itinerant
lifestyles in Spain, arguing that sedentariness promotes coexistence, assiduous relationships, and “a solid
basis to mutual trust relationships” (206). She goes on to argue that “a stable relationship with territory
implies a much more careful attitude towards it than itinerancy, and the itinerant’s activities almost always
become costly externalities for the sedentary dweller” (206). Camouflaged as a neutral description of
cultural differences, Enguita ends up arguing indirectly that Roma lives are incompatible with coexistence,
assiduous, and mutual trust relationships. A less explicit display of an anti-nomadic attitude is found in
Breen (2012), where nomadism is listed as one of several existing prejudices towards Irish Travellers:
“disorder, nomadism, laziness, dishonesty, backwardness, [and] dependency” (116). Although the author
is attempting here to display already existing prejudice, placing the descriptive term “nomadism” together
with other explicitly negative terms gives the impression that “nomadism” is also negative.

A range of papers further discuss how such anti-nomadic attitudes have transformed into anti-nomadic
policies and practices, such as laws implemented to restrict the movement of Roma and enforce sedentary
lifestyles (Doubek, Levínská, and Bittnerová 2015; Furtuna 2015). These laws range across countries

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Nomadism in Research on Roma Education

and centuries, drawing a picture of a tradition of hostility towards nomadism all across Europe. The
oldest law mentioned in the material is from the 1600s in Slovakia (New 2011) and the latest from 2002
in Ireland (Kitching 2010: 218). In several papers sedentarization is argued to be a particular form of
assimilation (e.g., Trentin et al. 2006; Salinas 2007; Furtuna 2015) and has therefore become important
to resist for some (Levinson and Sparkes 2005). Hamilton, Bloomer, and Potter (2012) argue that such
laws were enforced “to get rid of Travellers and other nomadic people around the word” (505). Although
Trentin et al. (2006) argue that there has been a development in legislations towards greater acceptance
for itinerary lifestyles, McCaffery (2009) argues that the hostility towards those living nomadic or semi-
nomadic lives continues to be so strong that the assimilation into a sedentary lifestyle de facto continues.
Legislation aimed at restricting nomadic lifestyles does not always explicitly target Roma. However, due
to the strong association of Roma and nomadism, restricting nomadism can be a camouflaged effort to
assimilate Roma without having to admit to antigypsyism. New and Merry (2010) refer to a case where,
although Roma are not explicitly mentioned in the final version of a particular law, evidence from both
the production and implementation of the law show that it is meant to target Roma.

These assimilation laws are by some seen as the reason why most Roma today live sedentary lives
(Christianakis 2010; Murray 2012). Others have outlined how Roma have been forced to lead itinerant
lives, for example, because Roma were forced to move because they were only allowed to stay for short
periods of time in a certain locality (Kelso 2013) or because they were “barred from many localities” (New
and Merry 2010, 398). Currently discrimination in housing (O’Hanlon 2010), evictions, and deportations
further encourage Roma movement (Kelso 2013).

Roma are closely associated with nomadism, and that policy and research are dominated by anti-
nomadic discourses lays the grounds for blaming Roma for their own exclusion and discrimination.
Here, it is irrelevant whether the people described are actually living nomadic lives or not. The main point
is that reference to a nomadic lifestyle is used to justify and explain exclusion. Bowen (2004) writes “their
unpredictable nomadic lifestyle” (57), which indicates that it was the way of living that was the problem
rather than the institutions. Similarly, Enguita (2004) argues that, “Gypsies remained in a great measure
outside because of their itinerant way of life” (212), and O’Hanlon (2010) states that, “Traveller and Gypsy
children, because they live a nomadic existence and live in mobile homes, are often stereotyped and
discriminated against” (245). Chronaki (2005) stirs identity into the mix, adding that holding a cultural
identity also leads to discrimination: “The Gypsy community in Europe is perhaps the most stigmatised
and marginalized due to its semi-nomadic lifestyle and its strong cultural identity that is visible physically”
(62). Because the authors write “because of ” or “due to” and label itineracy as unpredictable, the Roma
lifestyle is indirectly pointed to as the problem. Even if the authors might be of the opinion that society at
large should adjust to this difference, they are using the difference to explain exclusion rather than using
intolerance in society at large as a starting point.

2.3 Roma, Nomadism, and Education

This paper has presented the strong association of Roma and (anti-)nomadism in the research sample.
Below I consider how these connections intersect with how Roma education is discussed in the

Critical Romani Studies66

Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen

research literature. First, I analyze how nomadism is understood as incompatible with education, and
the perception that nomadism is in opposition to education. I then move on to explore the discourse
promoting nomadic and Roma learning as a particular learning style.

A range of papers considered nomadism and education to be more or less incompatible. One strand
in the material portrayed nomadism as an obstacle for education. Common to these quotes is that the
responsibility for attendance and achievement is placed on the group rather than on the school system
(Bowen 2004; McCaffery 2009; Myers et al. 2010; Kiprianos et al. 2012; Levinson 2015). For example:
“their [Roma] alternative ways of economic activity, thinking and living often expressed in a nomadic
way of life, make their incorporation into many mainstream institutional processes, such as schooling,
difficult” (Kiprianos et al. 2012, 693). In one paper, nomadism is, together with Roma identity, given
the blame for non-attendance in school: “Those Gypsy Traveller families who still travel and take pride
in their identity are more likely to keep their children away from secondary schools” (Kiddle 2000, 273,
emphasis added). A second strand highlighted that the reason why nomadism is an obstacle for education
is because schools are not adjusting to their pupils (Bhopal 2004; Levinson 2007). For example: “Schools
work on the basis of sedentary lifestyles and it is the norms of such lifestyle that Gypsy and Traveller pupils
must conform to” (Bhopal 2011a, 480). Although nomadism still is seen as an obstacle for education in
this quote, it differs from the above in clearly placing both the cause and the responsibility to solve it with
the school. A third strand in the material considers nomadism as an obstacle for education in relation to
discrimination in housing and evictions, highlighting that parents are forced to take their children out of
schools when they are evicted or discriminated against when trying to access sites or housing (Themelis
2009). For example: “This [moving to avoid evictions] results in irregular school attendance and has a
detrimental effect on the education of many Gypsy Travellers” (Bhopal 2004, 49).

In some papers it was not the nomadism per se but attitudes held by “nomads” and “nomadic cultures”
that was seen as the problem. Some authors claim that education is not seen as relevant among people
living a nomadic lifestyle (Levinson and Sparkes 2006; Levinson 2007), whereas others argue that Roma are
in opposition to education: “Gypsies and Traveller communities expressed a disdain for formal education
which many rejected” (McCaffery 2009, 644); “there was neither the will nor the means to assure universal
schooling, because they themselves had no great desire to appear in the classrooms” (Enguita 2004, 212);
and “[t]here is a core of underlying attitudes/values, forged over many generations, that would militate
against the acquisition of formal literacy whatever the attendance rates of those concerned” (Levinson 2007).
Levinson (2007) continues by citing a 30-year-old source to back the argument that Roma oppose literacy:

Even among those who have settled, a deep suspicion of literacy can persist, as reflected, for
instance, in the belief that ‘when you learn to read and write, you lose your memory’ (Kiddle,
1999: 65) and that literacy is ‘inimical to the development of memory and intelligence – a skill
for servants and secretaries, not for businessmen like themselves’ (Liegeois, 1987: 60) (12).

In trying to explain why Roma are resisting education, some authors argue that the cultural differences
are too vast, that there is “a mismatch between Traveller and school culture, with disregard for nomadic
traditions viewed as discouraging Travellers from actively engaging with school” (Darmody et al. 2008),
or that “it is very difficult to motivate him or her [the gypsy child] to learn and assimilate ideas and values

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Nomadism in Research on Roma Education

that are very different from his or her own experience and cultural background” (Trentin et al. 2006, 82).
Others argue that Roma resist education because it is perceived as a threat: “For groups whose identities
are based on some form of nomadic existence, a school system that would appear to prepare children
for an essentially sedentary existence, centered around workplace, is likely to be perceived as a threat”
(Levinson and Hooley 2014, 384).

Several papers explicitly address anti-nomadism in the education system, expressed both as assimilation
and exclusion. Some argue that education has been used in the past (Miskovic 2009; Themelis 2009) and
more recently (Harry et al. 2008; Gobbo 2011) to assimilate Roma into a sedentary lifestyle, and that non-
attendance therefore could be seen as a way of resisting assimilation (Levinson and Sparkes 2005). Others
address schools excluding pupils from nomadic cultures historically (Bowen 2004), and in the present
(Bhopal 2004; Hamilton, Bloomer, and Potter, 2012). Hostile attitudes towards Roma pupils and families
are also addressed in several papers. Hately-Broad (2004) argues that whereas “distrust and suspicion”
are directed towards all Roma from gadje, “this distrust is magnified in relation to a nomadic population”
(273). Bhopal (2011b) further lifts the voices of parents to the foreground, who argue that teachers do
not like it when they travel with their children to attend funerals or horse fairs. Labelling this type of
traveling a “nomadic lifestyle,” the paper claims that this identity trait is more important for many parents
than sending their children to school. Derrington (2007) argues that rather than actual travelling, it is
precisely these anti-nomadic sentiments that keep children out of school. In explaining non-attendance,
Kiddle (2000) emphasizes that parents who have been discriminated against in schools want to protect
their children from similar treatment. After making this point, however, the authors move directly to a
discussion of nomadism, arguing that “nomadism itself would mean an interrupted schooling and access
could not be guaranteed” (Kiddle 2000, 266). Similarly, Myers et al. (2010) highlight that parents might
keep their children out of school to protect them from racism and cultural erosion. This “cultural erosion”
is elsewhere in the article explained as “culture of the sedentary population,” which in turn cements Roma
in a nomadic lifestyle. This practice, of seeing all Roma as nomads, could according to Gobbo (2011) be
seen as a particular form of discrimination: “[T]he attribution of the nomadic identity that is not theirs,
conveys to Roma pupils what non-Roma teachers, for instance, believe about them; namely, that the
teacher identifies each of them: [A]s a ‘nomad’, not as a pupil” (18).

Some papers uphold nomadic learning as a distinct learning style. Coming from the starting point that “[t]
here are fundamental differences between Gypsy Traveller lifestyles and those of the ‘settled’ population,
both in terms of social and ethnic status and a nomadic way of life” (59), Bhopal (2004) argues that,
“[s]chools need to offer a ‘hands on’ approach in the classroom with an emphasis on issues and subjects that
are relevant to the needs of everyday life. In the case of Gypsy Travellers these need to reflect and value the
differences of nomadic lifestyle and culture” (61). Similarly, Trentin et al. (2006) describe how schools have
to adjust their teaching for Roma children: “The enrolment of nomadic students (…) has required teachers
to invent alternative teaching approaches to direct education (…) or demonstrating typical gypsy work at
the school” (82). Others argue that Roma children, to a higher degree than gadje pupils, value informal
education (e.g., Deuchar and Bhopal 2013), and that this can lead to difficulties in adjusting:

Designed as they are for mainstream groups following an essentially sedentary lifestyle,
educational systems simply overlook the difficulties of adaptation for children from a

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Solvor Mjøberg Lauritzen

nomadic background. For the youngsters from each community, the dichotomy between
formal and informal learning systems results in difficult choices, which have an impact not
only on aspirations, future work and lifestyles, but also upon wider identities (Levinson and
Hooley 2014, 384–385).

Bhopal (2011a) argues that schools are “designed to fit the needs of the majority population rather than
the minority (such as nomadic groups)” (472) and highlights special

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Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies:
Power and the Dialectics of (Dis)identification

Ryan Powell

To cite this article: Ryan Powell (2008) Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies: Power
and the Dialectics of (Dis)identification, Housing, Theory and Society, 25:2, 87-109, DOI:
10.1080/14036090701657462

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14036090701657462

Published online: 19 May 2008.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 3752

Citing articles: 25 View citing articles

Understanding the Stigmatization of
Gypsies: Power and the Dialectics of
(Dis)identification

RYAN POWELL

Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield Hallam University, UK

ABSTRACT Most theorizations on the stigmatization of Gypsies have centred on structural
factors: issues of race, ethnicity, the role of the media and the general incompatibility of
nomadism with a sedentary mode of existence. This paper contends that a focus on the power
differentials which characterize everyday social relations between Gypsies and the settled
population can enhance our understanding of the stigmatization of the former. It argues that
stigmatization is manifest in the ongoing process of disidentification, which involves the related
processes of projection and the exaggeration of stereotypical constructions of threatening
‘‘Others’’. Drawing on the work of Norbert Elias an attempt at a theoretical synthesis is made
that emphasizes the centrality of the power differential in social relations between the two groups,
which is a key factor in enabling and maintaining effective stigmatization. The paper focuses on
the dialectics of identification articulated by Gypsies in relation to their perceived collective
similarity and difference, which is crucial in understanding their marginal position in British
society. Using empirical data, the paper then explores the ways in which power differentials shape
the social relations between Gypsies and the settled population, and how stigmatization serves as
a potent weapon in maintaining the weak position of British Gypsies.

KEY WORDS: Gypsies and Travellers, Power relations, Stigmatization, Disidentification, Elias

Introduction

Gypsies and Travellers
1

have always operated on the fringes of mainstream British

society and have faced discrimination and persecution in a range of guises since the

first Gypsies arrived on the shores of Britain over 500 years ago. Historically, they

have collectively been subjected to extermination and expulsion (Mayall 1988) and

more recently to policies of assimilation, modernization (Sibley 1986, 1987) and

social control (Halfacree 1996, Niner 2004, Richardson 2006b, Sibley 1988). Such

policies have often been based on racist notions that Gypsies and Travellers are in

Correspondence Address: Ryan Powell, Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield

Hallam University, Unit 10, Science Park, City Campus, Howard Street, Sheffield, 52 SS1 1WB, UK.

Tel.: +44 (0)114 225 3561; Email: r.s.powell@shu.ac.uk

Housing, Theory and Society,

Vol. 25, No. 2, 87–109, 2008

1403-6096 Print/1651-2278 Online/08/020087–109 # 2008 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/14036090701657462

need of ‘‘saving’’ or corrective treatment, and initiatives to this end, often

emphasizing their perceived moral deficiencies, have been put in motion by everyone

from evangelicals to liberals (Vanderbeck 2003). This extensive range of pressures on

Gypsies to conform to a sedentary way of life, alongside wider social transforma-

tions, has resulted in a mixture of adaptation, evasion, conformity and conflict

(IPPR 2004, Mayall 1988). The persistence of stigma in relation to British nomadism
runs so deep that the Commission for Racial Equality (2006) recently concluded that

Gypsies and Irish Travellers are the most excluded groups in Britain today.

Advancements in terms of social mobility and access to power made by other

‘‘weaker’’ groups in Britain, such as other Black and Minority Ethnic groups, gays

and lesbians, and the physically impaired, have not been matched in relation to

Gypsies and Travellers (Gil-Robles 2005). This stigma is not just confined to Britain

but is mirrored across much of Europe, with the same dynamics of marginalization

and exclusion reproduced across different spaces (Bancroft 2005).
Theoretical frameworks seeking to explain the perceived anomic status of this

group have focused attention on issues of race, ethnicity, the media, social and

spatial policy and the general incompatibly of nomadism with a dominant sedentary

mode of existence (at both an economic and social level). Thus, most conceptualiza-

tions have emphasized difference, and more importantly, visible distinctions between

Gypsies and Travellers on the one hand, and the settled population
2

on the other.

This paper, however, argues that our understanding of the socio-dynamics of

stigmatization and its effects have been hindered by a neglect of the role of power in
shaping the social relations between Gypsies and the settled population. It calls for a

move beyond static distinctions and accounts and places the dynamics of power

relations at the centre of an understanding of processes of disidentification and

stigmatization. As such, issues of ethnicity and race are not central here. The focus of

this paper is on Gypsies but aspects inherent in the process of stigmatization can also

be found in relation to a range of social relations between groups where the defining

characteristic is a power differential which confers one group with much greater

power resources than the other (Elias & Scotson 1994).
The paper begins with a brief discussion on conceptualizations of power before a

review of the literature which draws attention to the neglect of the concept in existing

accounts of the marginal position of Gypsies and Travellers. Other deficiencies such

as a-historical approaches and a narrow focus on the issues of the day amounting to

problems of involvement (Elias 1987) are also identified. It is also argued that the

strong boundary maintenance between different academic disciplines has meant that

concurrent developments within them, as well as commonalities in terms of

theoretical frameworks, have been largely unrealized and consequently cross-
disciplinary understanding has not accrued.

Drawing on the work of Norbert Elias, it is suggested that in order to comprehend

the process of stigmatization, its socio-dynamics and the ways in which it is

maintained by and within groups, one must first understand the complex dialectics

of identification and disidentification, which enable effective stigmatization. Only

then can we begin to grasp the role of power in the process and, in turn, account for

the role of the socio-spatial order in the maintenance and reproduction of social

boundaries and control. This approach requires a theoretical synthesis, it is argued,
as scholars in different academic areas have largely been concerned with works

88 R. Powell

confined to their own disciplines and which speak to their own particular

methodological standpoints, with little attention given to concurrent arguments in

other disciplines (Jenkins 2004:93).

This synthesis is then drawn upon in order to understand the empirical findings

from 25 qualitative in-depth interviews conducted with Gypsies in Yorkshire and

The Humber in the UK, in the spring of 2006. Interviews sometimes involved more
than one family member, lasted between 25 minutes and three hours, and were

recorded and transcribed. The results of the analysis of these transcripts form the

bulk of what is presented in the Findings section of this paper. There was also an

ethnographic element to the research and informal discussions with Gypsies and

visits to Gypsy sites, recorded in field notes, are also drawn upon. The findings point

to the link between the processes of disidentification and stigmatization – with each

reinforcing the other where there is a relatively large power differential – and

resultant apathy on the part of the stigmatized as ‘‘power inferiority is experienced as
human inferiority’’ in some cases (Elias 1994). Finally, the paper concludes that an

unequal power balance in social relations, the projection of exaggerated fears,

and disidentification are prerequisites for continued stigmatization which, in

itself, is a powerful process in maintaining the status quo at the level of group

relations. The conclusion also suggests areas for further research that would enhance

our understanding of the continued marginalization of Gypsies within British

society.

Theoretical Framework

The academic literature on Gypsies and Travellers is a diverse body of thought

drawn from a number of different disciplines. Some of the different theoretical

frameworks that have hitherto been used in explaining the marginal position of

Gypsies and Travellers share some positive commonalities. However, they also share

a common deficiency in terms of a neglect of the role of power, and particularly the

power differentials inherent in the social relations between the settled population and
Gypsies and Travellers. Before turning to the Gypsy and Traveller literature, then, it

is necessary to briefly consider some conceptualizations of power.

A Note on the Centrality of Power

Lukes’ (1974) three dimensions of power provide a useful starting point. We do not

have the space here to do justice to this seminal work, but charting the progress

towards the three-dimensional view of power is necessary for an understanding of
the development of the concept (for a fuller discussion see Lukes 1974:21–25). The

one-dimensional view of power is essentially that put forward by the pluralists and in

Dahl’s words is ‘‘the power of A to get B to do something B would otherwise not do’’

(Dahl, in Lukes 1974:11). Lukes shows that the one-dimensional view is inadequate

in tackling the complexities of power in the real world, due to its focus on behaviour,

decision-making and observable conflict. Similarly, while an advance on the one-

dimensional view is made through the incorporation of non-decision-making, overt

conflict and control over agendas in the two-dimensional view, this is still
found wanting due to its overemphasis on behaviourism and observable conflict.

Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies 89

The three-dimensional view represents a critique of the overly individualistic

behavioural focus and Lukes summarizes the main features of this approach as a

focus on: control over political agendas (involving decisions and non-decisions);

issues and potential issues; observable and latent conflict; and subjective and real
interests. For Lukes this view represents the most insidious exercise of power as it

encroaches on and shapes the consciousness of individuals and the way they view

their situation. It prevents people from having grievances by:

… shaping their perceptions, cognitions and preferences in such a way that they

accept their role in the existing order of things, either because they can see or

imagine no alternative to it, or because they see it as natural and unchangeable,

or because they value it as divinely ordained and beneficial (Lukes 1974:24).

This conception is certainly closer to the realities presented in the empirical findings

of this paper. However, Lukes draws attention to some difficulties with the three-

dimensional view, most notably the focus on individuals. Power and control can also

be exercised by groups, so as Richardson (2006b:39) rightly asks ‘‘in observing a

group how is it possible to identify the precise mechanisms of the exercise of power?’’

It is in relation to this problem that Elias’s figurational sociology has particular
resonance.

The concept of human figurations is central to any understanding of Elias’s

sociology and deserves attention here. The premise is that individuals are bonded

together in various figurations through their interdependencies, which is an

inescapable fact of everyday life and characterizes all human relations. These

figurations are constantly in flux as the power differentials – both within and

between different human figurations – that dictate their development change this

way and that. The development of figurations is a long-term process in which

outcomes are unforeseen and unplanned, as no individual or figuration of

individuals can control the overall direction. For Elias, power balances, like human

relationships in general, are bi-polar at least, and usually multi-polar; and should be

perceived as everyday occurrences (1978:74). For wherever there is functional

interdependence balances of power are always present.

The extent of the power differential seen in a figuration is a crucial factor in

determining the characteristics of that figuration. Elias provides a comprehensive

example of the importance of power differentials for human figurations in the

introductory essay to The Established and the Outsiders (Elias & Scotson 1994). The

book is based on findings from a study, conducted with John Scotson, of two very

similar groups on a suburban housing estate in Leicester, given the fictitious name of

Winston Parva. Indeed, the two distinct groups were so similar in terms of social

class, ethnicity, nationality, religion and other socio-economic indicators that the

only evident difference was in terms of their length of residence on the estate. After
studying the relations between these groups, which were characterized by conflict,

Elias came up with a conceptual framework of great analytical insight: established-

outsider relations. Those residents who were relatively new to the estate were the

outsider group and the longer term residents, who had lived there for several

generations in many cases, were termed the established group. What Elias and

Scotson observed was the systematic stigmatization of the outsider group who were

90 R. Powell

thought to lack the superior human virtue which the dominant group attributed to

itself (Elias and Scotson 1994:xv). Consequently, the outsiders were excluded from

all non-occupational contact and this was maintained through ‘‘praise-gossip’’ for
those adhering to this and ‘‘blame-gossip’’ directed at those breaking the taboo.

The key to identifying the root of the conflict rested on a figurational approach

through which one could see that the source of power for the dominant group was
social cohesion; not difference (e.g. race, class), which often serves to mask power

differentials (Elias 1994:xviii–xix). Elias stresses the importance of the interdepen-

dent nature of the two groups and the need to look beyond the individual:

In Winston Parva, as elsewhere, one found members of one group casting a

slur on those of another, not because of their qualities as individual people, but

because they were members of a group which they considered collectively as

different from, and as inferior to, their own group (Elias 1994:xx).

Elias’s theoretical framework builds on that of Lukes through its exploration of the

power dynamics involved in the group setting and particularly by drawing attention

to interdependencies. In this sense it is able to address the ways in which power can

be exercised and maintained at the group level and emphasizes the importance of

collectivities for identification and disidentification. This suggests a need to focus on
social relations for an understanding of the stigmatization process, not on its more

visible outcomes.

ni Shuinéar (1997) asks a fundamental question which supports the argument for
looking beyond the surface for a better understanding of the dynamics of power and

stigmatization: ‘‘why are nomads who have ‘settled down’ still hated as strong as

ever?’’ ‘‘The mobility of Travellers has long been constructed as a social problem;

now their settlement is also being constructed as problematic’’ (Vanderbeck

2003:375). Given this situation one can conclude that the cultural practice of

nomadism is not, on its own, a sufficient explanation for the continued vilification of

Gypsies and Travellers. Nor should explanations be sought solely through a focus on

ethnicity which, as Mayall contends, can do more harm than good by distracting
scholars from the task in hand: ‘‘To become obsessed with tracing pedigrees as an

essential stage in identifying a separate race is to be diverted from the key issue of the

relationship between the travelling and settled societies’’ (Mayall 1988:186). Notions

of a lack of morals, dirt, violence, deviance, laziness, illiteracy and racial purity

(‘‘real’’ Gypsies) have all been used to justify discriminatory responses to Gypsies

and Travellers and explain their continual stigmatization. Thus arguments to justify

the enforcement of conformity and sedentarization were modified over time (Mayall

1988:185) with these modifications taking place against a backdrop of social change
which brought about an increasingly differentiated society.

This suggests the need to move beyond simplistic notions which place nomadism

or ethnicity (or any other visible marker of difference) at the core of this ‘‘hatred’’, in
order to better understand the complex relationship between Gypsies and the settled

population. Elias’s theory of established-outsider relations sheds light on this matter:

What one calls ‘‘race relations’’ … are simply established-outsider relationships
of a particular type… Whether or not the groups to which one refers when

Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies 91

speaking of ‘‘race relations’’ or ‘‘racial prejudice’’ differ in their ‘‘racial’’

descent and appearance, the salient aspect of their relationship is that they are

bonded together in a manner which endows one of them with very much

greater power resources than the other and enables that group to exclude

members of the other group from access to the centre of these resources and
from closer contact with its own members, thus relegating them to the position

of outsiders (Elias 1994:xxx).

In other words, it is the interdependent nature of the social relations between groups

and the power differential that characterizes that relationship where one should

focus one’s attention in order to comprehend the socio-dynamics of stigmatization.

The fact that members of the two groups differ in terms of physical appearance or

language for instance, ‘‘merely serves as a reinforcing shibboleth which makes

members of an outsider group more easily recognizable as such’’ (Elias 1994:xxx). As

we shall see, markers of difference are important aspects in the process of

identification but alone they cannot account for the boundary maintenance and

strong feelings of anomie
3

one encounters on the part of powerful groups in relation

to weaker groups. We shall return to Elias in the discussion on the empirical findings

of the research but let us first consider some other relevant theoretical concepts.

Insights and Limitations in the Gypsy and Traveller Literature

The existing academic discourse relating to the marginalization of Gypsies and

Travellers provides us with some theoretical tools with which to develop our

understanding of the weak position of Gypsies and Travellers (McVeigh 1997, ni

Shuinéar 1997, Sibley 1981, 1987, 1988, Vanderbeck 2003, 2005). Some of this

literature, however, appears to draw upon a selective reading of the current stock of

knowledge. Narrow conceptualizations which seek to isolate particular factors at

play in the stigmatization process have an over-reliance on the thinkers of the day in

an attempt to provide explanations based on contemporary issues (see Elias 1987). In

order to fully comprehend the complexities inherent in this process it is necessary to

focus our attention on the interdependent nature of the social relations of Gypsies

and the settled population, while at the same time appreciating that the shaping and

outcome of these relations is a long term development with power as the defining

characteristic.

Some geographers have drawn on notions of the ‘‘Other’’, first put forward by

Edward Said (1978), and have developed these arguments in application to the

Gypsy and Traveller population (Holloway 2005, Richardson 2006a, 2006b). For

instance, Richardson’s argument centres on the role of discourse in the control of the

Gypsy and Traveller population, mainly that emanating from the media and the

political establishment, which is made possible through Bauman’s notion of

‘‘Othering’’ resulting in a lack of concern for the well-being of the ‘‘Other’’.

Richardson (2006b) shows how negative discourse and ‘‘othering’’ are more
prominent throughout society in application to Gypsies and Travellers than to

other marginal groups. The account is also valuable in the sense that it draws

attention to the outcomes of these dynamics: the translation of discourse into actions

of social control. However, this a-historical conceptualization of ‘‘Othering’’

92 R. Powell

enabling discriminatory practice and maintaining the peripheral position of Gypsies

and Travellers within society, whilst identifying that the media and political

institutions are complicit in the reproduction of stereotypes and stigmatization,

neglects the fact that these groups are not the root causes. Similarly, Holloway’s
(2005) time-space specific account of the racialization of Gypsies and Travellers by

the white residents of Appleby (the venue of the largest annual horse fair in the UK

attended by thousands of Gypsies and Travellers) does not focus on the development

of Gypsy–gauje
4

social relations. While Holloway’s findings on ‘‘the ways in which

white rural residents identify and construct Gypsy-Travellers through bodily and

cultural markers of difference’’ (Holloway 2005:351) are useful in terms of a

comprehension of how social boundaries are constructed and maintained, her focus

on race and ethnicity also means that the central role of power in the social relations

between the two groups is downplayed. While such accounts are valuable and

important in aiding our understanding of the stigmatization process, there is a need

to link these factors to the processes at play in the face-to-face and group relations

between Gypsies and non-Gypsies.

Other geography scholars have paid attention to the ways in which the spatial

order is implicated in placing Gypsies and Travellers at the margins of society

(Halfacree 1996, Sibley 1987, 1997). Such accounts stress the ways in which

contemporary, and often urban, Gypsies and Travellers do not conform to the

romanticized image of the ‘‘real’’ Gypsy; the ‘‘independent, strong, self-sufficient

and exotic Romany, living out a rural existence in brightly painted caravans, selling

their craft wares but largely remaining outside non-Gypsy society’’ (Halfacree

1996:54). Mayall asserts that ‘‘arguments permitting the creation of a Travellers’

hierarchy based on race, with the elevation of the ‘pure-blood’ Romany as the

central feature, were adopted overtly and tacitly by most people’’ (Mayall 1988:79).

As Gypsies and Travellers do not generally conform to this imagined stereotype they

are more often than not found wanting and therefore likely to be considered deviant
and in need of corrective treatment (Sibley 1987:81). Crucially, in terms of the

process of stigmatization, this mythologized past contributes to the dehumanization

of Gypsies as well as the reproduction of an oppressive spatial order:

The importance of an imputed racial purity is that the people actually

encountered by members of the larger society, often in conflict situations and

particularly in cities, can be dismissed because they do not conform to the

romantic racial stereotype. In the case of British Gypsies the use of terms like

‘‘tinker’’, ‘‘itinerant’’, and ‘‘diddikai’’ all suggest a failure to meet the standards

implied in the stereotyped view – they effectively dehumanise and legitimate

oppressive policies (Sibley 1987:80; my emphasis).

In a similar vein, Halfacree (1996) posits that new travellers are also measured

against the norms of the sedentary mode of existence but, again, they are invariably
found wanting. Drawing on Cohen (1972) Halfacree explains the ‘‘folk devil’’ status

of new travellers, with reference to the selective, and therefore mythical, social

construction of the rural idyll.

It is useful to consider Halfacree’s notion of Travellers as contemporary folk devils

alongside de Swaan’s ideas on the ways in which identification and, by extension,

Understanding the Stigmatization of Gypsies 93

disidentification is called upon for political ends: ‘‘In mass politics… political

entrepreneurs attempt to mobilize one or another structure of identification, defining

and redefining their appeal until they hit upon a version that works’’ (de Swaan

1995:31–32). A similar argument is also put forward by Sigona (2003) in a discussion

on the circularity of labelling and policy formulation in relation to Kosovo Roma:

‘‘The attempt to deny Roma identity is neither a contemporary prerogative of the
West, nor peculiar to it. In Kosovo both Serbs and Albanians have denied, hidden,

forcedly removed and then recalled the Roma whenever required by their political

needs’’ (Sigona 2003:72). This resonates with Halfacree’s description of Travellers as

the New Right’s ‘‘enemy within’’, constructed as a threat to the purified and

homogeneous rural communities of the English countryside. But again, this speaks

more to the outcomes and maintenance of a process, rather than an understanding of

the ‘‘how’’ and ‘‘why’’.

Purification, Categorization and Projection

One theoretical concept which has managed to cross disciplinary boundaries is that

of purification put forward by the social anthropologist Mary Douglas in her

seminal work Purity and Danger (1966). Douglas argues that people need to

classify other people and objects in order to make sense of the world and, where

classification is not possible, that which cannot be classified is viewed adversely.

Consequently a strategy of purification is employed which excludes anything or
anyone that falls outwith our frames of classification: ‘‘the unclassified residual

category is dirt, pollution, a threat to the integrity of the collectivity’’ (Sibley

1988:410). This notion has been further developed by Sibley (1988) in his work on

the purification of space which involves the rejection of difference and the securing

of boundaries to maintain homogeneity. Sibley’s work is valuable as he points to

the ‘‘historical continuity in the urge to exclude ‘others’ and to purify social space’’

which stems from the desire to maintain boundaries, thus expelling polluting

agencies and excluding threatening groups and individuals (Sibley 1988:411). Hence
Sibley looks beyond the here and now and suggests the need for a more long-term

approach in understanding the rejection of difference. Interestingly, citing the

example of Gypsies, he also outlines how purification can work as a two-way

process with the weaker group using purification for their own ends: ‘‘Conversely,

in some cases we might see purification rules as survival mechanisms which

maintain an economically and politically weak group within a larger society, for

example, indigenous minorities, Gypsies, and some religious communities’’ (Sibley

1988:411). This dynamic could also be seen as a direct response to the lack of
access to power on the part of the Gypsy and Traveller population and resultant

exclusion; more a tactic of ‘‘making do’’ (de Certeau 1984). Indeed, it should be

noted that power is a relationship and Gypsies and Travellers are never powerless;

their independence and tactics and strategies bear this out (see Okely 1983,

Sibley 1981). The point is that they are on the wrong side of an unequal power

balance.

In terms of its outcomes the purification thesis has some resonance with Elias’s

‘‘established-outsider’’ framework. For instance, Douglas touches upon the way in
which the threatened group is able to maintain the boundary through the social

94 R. Powell

rela

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Art as a means of alleviating social exclusion: Does it really work? A critique of

instrumental cultural policies and social impact studies in the UK

Article  in  International Journal of Cultural Policy · January 2002

DOI: 10.1080/102866302900324658

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ART AS A MEANS OF ALLEVIATING

SOCIAL EXCLUSION: DOES IT REALLY

WORK? A CRITIQUE OF

INSTRUMENTAL CULTURAL POLICIES

AND SOCIAL IMPACT STUDIES IN THE

UK

Eleonora Belfiore*

Centre for Cultural Policy Studies, University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, UK

INTRODUCTION

One of the most interesting recent developments of British cultural policy is that debates on

possible ways to tackle social exclusion and debates on the role of the subsidized arts in society

have intertwined, so that the contribution that the arts can make towards alleviating the

symptoms of exclusion is today highly emphasised by the government and the major public arts

funding bodies. Indeed, in the last few years, we have witnessed the widespread adoption of

the philosophy of social inclusion within both the cultural policy arena and the debate among

professionals in the arts sector. Young people and the socially excluded seem to be now—in the

rhetoric of the Department of Culture Media and Sport (DCMS)— at the top of the funding

agenda:

Following the government’s Comprehensive Spending Review, DCMS will be reaching new funding

agreements governing its grants to its sponsored bodies. These will set out clearly what outcomes we expect

public investment to deliver and some of these outcomes will relate to social inclusion (Smith, 1999).

The arts are therefore officially recognised to have a positive contribution to make to social

inclusion and neighbourhood renewal by improving communities’ “performance” in the four

key indicators identified by the government: health, crime, employment, and education

ISSN 1028-6632 print/ISSN 1477-2833 online q 2002 Taylor & Francis Ltd

DOI: 10.1080/10286630290032468

*Corresponding author. Tel.: þ44-2476-523020. Fax: þ44-2476-524446. E-mail: elebelfiore@yahoo.co.uk

International Journal of Cultural Policy, 2002 Vol. 8 (1), pp. 91–106

(DCMS, 1999a, pp. 21 – 22). Moreover, their very contribution to tackling social problems is

identified as a justification for public “investment” in the arts.

This is hardly a phenomenon limited to the UK. The shift towards an instrumental cultural

policy, which justifies public expenditure in the arts on the grounds of the advantages that they

bring to the nation (be them economic, social, related to urban regeneration, employment,

etc.) is indeed a European trend (Vestheim, 1994, pp. 57 – 71).

The aim of this research is to investigate the policy implications of this new stress on the

subsidised arts and arts organisations as agents of social change. Indeed, if the funding bodies’

emphasis on the social impact of the arts and the activities of cultural organisations is genuine, it

should not be long before evidence of activities to include the socially excluded will be required

on all funding applications.

This paper thus aims to look critically at the consequences that would follow from the

adoption of the social impacts of the arts as a new policy rationale for future arts funding.

SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND THE ARTS

The concept of “social exclusion” is a relatively new one in Britain, and represents a shift from

the previously dominant concept of “poverty.’ The notion of “social exclusion”, first developed

as a sociological concept in France, has been subsequently embraced by the European

Commission, and its adoption in Britain can be seen as an aspect of the EU harmonisation

process (Fairclough, 2000, p. 51; Rodgers, 1995, p. 43). However, within the British arts sector,

the concern for the actual exclusion of large sections of the population (mainly belonging to the

working class) from publicly funded arts activities has been a source of concern since much

earlier. The Arts Council’s Royal Charter (1967) contains an explicit pronouncement of the

Council’s obligation to increase the accessibility of the arts to the public throughout Britain and

across social classes. Interest in social exclusion has since grown in Britain and throughout

Western Europe in relation to rising rates of unemployment, increasing international

migration, and the cutting back of welfare states. The emergence of the term thus reflects an

attempt to reconceptualise social disadvantage in the face of the major economic and social

transformations that characterise post-modernity.

Indeed, it has been argued that the transition from modernity to late modernity can be seen

as a movement from an inclusive to an exclusive society (Young, 1999, p. 7). The market

economy emerging in post-Fordism was the result of a restructuring of the economy

encompassing a reduction of the primary labour market and an expansion of the knowledge-

based secondary market. This has resulted in the creation of an underclass of structurally

unemployed, and to what Will Hutton has described as the 40:30:30 society: 40% of the

population in permanent and secure employment, 30% in insecure employment, 30%

marginalized, out of work or working for poverty wages, and most at risk of social exclusion

(Hutton, 1995, pp. 105 – 110).

In Britain, the attempt at tackling social exclusion was strongly promoted by New Labour

after it won the general election in 1997. Social cohesion and a more inclusive society are

indeed—at least in the party’s rhetoric—crucial factors in the success of Labour’s “Third Way”

towards the aim of Britain’s “national renewal” (Fairclough, 2000, p. 22). To this end, in

December 1997, the Prime Minister set up the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU
1
) whose aim is to

E. BELFIORE92

help improve government action to reduce social exclusion across all departments by producing

“joined up solutions to joined up problems.”

The notion of social exclusion has the benefit of seeing poverty and disadvantage as multi-

dimensional rather than merely in terms of income and expenditure. Even though material

disadvantage is still a primary focus of strategies for social inclusion, they also encompass

important new strands. In the context of this research, the most important dimension of the

debate is the new focus on the cultural and social dynamics of inclusion, and the emphasis on

the positive role of the arts and heritage in alleviating the symptoms of exclusion. In the UK,

the view that the arts have a positive contribution to make to the cause of social inclusion—a

position long held by community arts groups—has been enthusiastically endorsed by the

government via the DCMS, and by the SEU’s Policy Action Team 10 (PAT 10), which deals

with the Arts and Sport.
2

The Report compiled by the PAT 10 on neighbourhood renewal

reads:

Arts and sport, cultural and recreational activity, can contribute to neighbourhood renewal and make a real

difference to health, crime, employment and education in deprived communities.
3

Such a strong formal commitment towards inclusion on the government’s part has a direct

impact on arts funding provision. Indeed, in Britain, the government sets overarching goals for

the arts, which are reflected in the strategic policy that the DCMS sets for the arts sector. The

implementation of this policy is then carried out in partnership with the Arts Council of

England (ACE), the Regional Arts Boards, the Department for Education and Employment,

and a number of other bodies following the so-called “arm’s length principle.” This principle

defines the relative autonomy of the Arts Council and the Regional Arts Boards in deciding

how to allocate the available resources to individual art forms and artists, and it should ensure—

at least in theory—that decisions are not affected by political considerations. However, it should

not be forgotten that all decisions relative to funding allocations are informed by the Funding

Agreement between the DCMS and the Arts Council, which incorporates DCMS’s objectives

for education, access, excellence, and—more recently—social exclusion. Moreover, ACE has

to show, through a series of performance indicators defined by the agreement, that it is actively

seeking to fulfil the government’s objectives for the arts.

The DCMS’ formal commitment to social inclusion is therefore reflected in the funding

agreement with the Arts Council covering the period April 2000 – March 2002. The document

declares that in order to fulfil its aims of making high quality arts “available to the many not just

the few,” DCMS will work to “promote the role of the Department’s sectors in urban and rural

regeneration, in pursuing sustainability and in combating social exclusion.” More specifically,

the DCMS has ten “goals for the arts”, one of which is “to develop and enhance the

contribution the arts make to combating social exclusion and promoting regeneration.” The

ACE has to “deliver” against performance indicators derived from these goals. Consequently,

the Arts Council is expected to produce various pieces of documentation showing the activities

targeted at ethnic minorities, disabled and generally excluded groups and to assess its

contribution to the inclusion and regeneration cause (DCMS, 2000a).

Even though a quick glance at ACE’s funding package for 2000 – 2002 seems to show that

ACE’s commitment to social exclusion might be stronger on the level of the rhetoric than that

of the resource allocation Arts Council of England, 1999a,b), it is evident that the major public

funding bodies of the arts in Britain, DCMS, ACE (and consequently the RABs) have

subscribed to an instrumental view of cultural policy. In this view, the public spending on the

ART AS A MEANS OF ALLEVIATING SOCIAL EXCLUSION 93

arts is justified in terms of an “investment,” which will bring about positive social change and

contribute to alleviate social exclusion in disadvantaged areas of the country.

It is interesting to note that the DCMS has taken on board the cause of the arts’ contribution

to inclusion despite the fact that Phyllida Shaw, author of the Research Report: Arts and

Neighbourhood Renewal—a literature review on arts and social in/exclusion commissioned by

the PAT 10—came to the conclusion that “it remains a fact that relative to the volume of arts

activity taking place in the country’s poorest neighbourhoods, the evidence of the contribution

it makes to neighbourhood renewal is paltry” (DCMS, 1999b, p. 6). It is indeed very significant

that, despite the official admission of the lack of indisputable evidence of the effectiveness of the

arts in contributing to social cohesion and neighbourhood regeneration, in recent years, Britain

has witnessed an increasing use of publicly funded arts initiatives to address socio-economic

problems, ranging from major capital projects to local participatory projects.

THE 1980S AND THE INSTRUMENTAL ARGUMENT FOR ARTS

FUNDING

The 1980s represented a difficult period for the British arts world. On the one hand,

postmodernism had eroded the legitimacy of the very notion of “culture” on which cultural

policy had hitherto been founded, leading to what Craig Owens refers to as “a crisis of cultural

authority specifically of the authority vested in Western European culture and its institutions”

(Owens, 1990, p. 57). In the past, the fact that the State should contribute—through the public

arts funding system—to the preservation, diffusion, and promotion of “high quality” culture in

the name of the citizens” welfare was considered a matter of course. Once the principle of

equivalence entered the cultural debate, decisions made on the basis of excellence, quality, and

artistic value were not so easily justifiable. Nevertheless, in policy debates, cultural value had so

far represented the main criterion for deciding which activities were to be supported by public

subsidy (that is, by people’s taxes), and which were not.

The Arts Council was now faced with the task of justifying to the nation the fact that public

money was spent according to the aesthetic judgements of small groups of people who could no

longer claim the authority for higher artistic judgements. Even the principle of “access,” which

together with “excellence” represented the keywords of cultural policy since the post-war

years, had now lost its hold. In the new relativist cultural climate, many felt that the Arts

Council’s attempts at bringing high art to the people—based on the assumption that it would

“do them good”—was the product of a paternalistic and patronising attitude that was no longer

acceptable (Bennett, 1996, p. 9).

On the other hand, another crucial event for the arts world in the UK was the election of a

Conservative government in 1979 and, with that, the beginning of the “Thatcherite era.” The

new government declared that one of its key missions was to promote the enlargement of the

private sector and to “roll back the frontiers of the state” in order to reduce public expenditure

and increase efficiency. Consequently, the level of public support of the arts remained

unchanged for a number of years (and that corresponded, in real terms, to a reduction in

funding). In this new climate of uncertainty about future levels of public expenditure, it was

believed throughout the arts world that, in order to survive, the arts needed to be able make a

strong case against further reductions in funding.

E. BELFIORE94

To this end, in the 1980s, the arts sector decided to emphasize the economic aspects of its

activities and their alleged contribution to the wealth of the nation. This was originally a

defensive strategy of survival, aimed at preserving existing levels of cultural expenditure. The

hope was that, if the arts sector (now referred to as the “cultural industries”) could speak the

same language as the government, it would perhaps have a better chance of being listened to.

However, as Bianchini points out, this initially defensive attitude pretty soon seemed to offer

the opportunity for more positive arguments for the expansion of public expenditure on

culture on the grounds of its economic returns (Bianchini 1993a, pp. 12 – 13). This new

approach to justifying public arts funding was officially embraced by the Arts Council in a

glossy brochure produced in 1985 entitled A Great British Success Story. It was designed and

written to look like a company report: the “prospectus” indeed described itself as “an invitation

to the nation to invest in the arts” and used freely the language of the “enterprise culture.”.

Productions became “the product,” the audiences “consumers,” and the language of subsidy

became the language of “investment” (Hewison, 1995, p. 258).

The new cultural policy rationale that was now taking root is best represented by The

Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain, a book written by John Myerscough that attempted to

demonstrate and measure the positive economic contribution that the arts sector could make in

an era of industrial decline in terms of job creation, tourism promotion, invisible earnings, and

its contribution to urban regeneration. In the book, the logic of an instrumental view of culture

was clearly proposed as the best possible grounds for a defence of public arts funding:

This was a time when central government spending was levelling off. Arguments based on their intrinsic merits

and educational value were losing their potency and freshness, and the economic dimension seemed to provide

fresh justification for public spending on the arts (Myerscough, 1988, p. 2).

While the economic argument achieved vital recognition for the arts and cultural industries,

and became both influential and fashionable, its flaws were very soon pointed out (Hansen,

1995, p. 309). In 1989, the economist Gordon Hughes contested the all-inclusiveness of

Myerscough’s definition of the arts, and challenged the validity of the methodologies through

which he had collected his data. It has also been noted that the jobs created by the arts and the

so-called “symbolic economy” are mostly part-time, insecure or low wage, and therefore far for

being a solution for contemporary problems of structural unemployment (Lorente 1996, p. 3).

Hansen actually not only challenges the validity of the results of the economic impact studies

carried out by Myerscough and by many others after him, but also maintains that in such an

approach the arts are evaluated on an incorrect basis because the real purpose of the artistic

activity (which is not producing economic returns) is not taken into account.

However, despite the well-founded criticisms, studies on the economic impacts of the arts

carried out in the 1980s and 1990s had a long lasting influence over cultural policy debates. At a

first glance it might seem that much of the keywords in the rhetoric of the community arts

movement have become an integral part of current debates around cultural policy. The DCMS

and the Arts Council seem, moreover, to have embraced the once oppositional values and

predicaments of the community arts movement, and to have brought themes such as

participation, empowerment, and community development into mainstream cultural debate.

However, this paper aims to show that, notwithstanding the similarities of arguments and

shared “buzz words,” the spirit that animated (and in many respects still does) community arts

and that which now informs “offical” cultural policy discourse are in fact quite different.

Indeed, the thesis proposed in this paper is that current policies focusing on the arts as a tool

ART AS A MEANS OF ALLEVIATING SOCIAL EXCLUSION 95

towards social inclusion are in fact rooted in the instrumental notion of the arts and cultural

policies that affirmed itself in the 1980s.

THE ARTS AND NEIGHBOURHOOD RENEWAL: AN INSTRUMENTAL

CULTURAL POLICY FOR THE 1990S

The new focus of DCMS policy and funding to promote social inclusion originates from the

government’s commitment to the regeneration of poor neighbourhoods and is an integral part

of the development of a social inclusion policy in the context of the National Strategy for

Neighbourhood Renewal (DCMS, 1999a, p. 3). The belief that the arts can have a positive role

in community development and urban regeneration, however, is hardly a New Labour

discovery.

The links between the economic benefits produced by the cultural sector and issues of urban

renewal had already been explicitly made by the Arts Council back in 1986, in the publication

Partnership: Making Arts Money Work Harder. In this document (whose very title is symptomatic

of the cultural and political climate of the times), economic arguments for the public support of

the arts and the cultural industries were applied to highlight the arts’ contribution to urban

renewal. According to the Arts Council, the arts, in partnership with the local authorities,

could “bring new life to inner cities,”, create new jobs, and “help develop the skills and talents

of ethnic minorities and other specific communities” (Hewison, 1995, p. 258).

In the rhetoric of the Arts Council we can easily identify themes that have been “recycled”

by current policy documents. However, in the 1980s, the emphasis of urban regeneration

strategies all over Europe was pretty much placed on the pursuit of economic growth, in the

name of which social factors were often overlooked. Policies for urban regeneration were

initially led by physical development aimed at improving the internal and external image of

former industrial cities all over Europe. The most conspicuous investments were channelled

towards cultural “flagships,” such as the new gallery for the Burrell collection in Glasgow, the

Albert Dock, and the Tate of the North in Liverpool, and Centenary Square in Birmingham

(Bianchini, 1993a, p. 16).

Unfortunately, the “urban renaissance” hoped for by the Arts Council did not happen.
4

In

fact, the urban renewal projects of these years were criticised for representing a “carnival mask”

used by local and national politicians to cover up persistent and growing economic and social

inequalities among the population (David Harvey, quoted in Bianchini, 1993a, p. 14). On the

grounds of this failure, and in association with a growing interest in issues of quality of life, the

social dimension of urban regeneration became the new focus of attention. By the early 1990s

the government and the funding bodies had acknowledged that regeneration was not just about

new buildings, but rather about people and the quality of the lives that could be lived in certain

areas.

One other circumstance that contributed to the shift of focus towards social rather than

economic considerations in cultural policy was the ever-increasing involvement of local

authorities in arts funding. Indeed local authorities’ spending on the arts exceeded that of

central government for the first time in 1988 – 1989, and has done so ever since. This came to

mean that local authorities became important contributors to the ongoing debates on cultural

policy. As a result of the involvement of non-art agencies in the arts funding, the agenda has

shifted. The Arts Council may place aesthetic considerations above all others, but the public

E. BELFIORE96

sector (health authorities, social services departments, etc.) is mainly interested in the social

impact of the arts rather than in aesthetic or economic considerations.

The same phenomenon can be witnessed at the European Community level, where only

7.7% of expenditure in the arts for the period 1989 – 1993 derived from specifically cultural

programmes. The bulk of resources for the cultural sector (82, 79%) derived from the Structural

Funds and various Commission initiatives programmes (Fisher, 2000, p. 34).
5

These additional

resources are vital for the arts world, especially when set against the background of reduced

national spending on culture. However, the Structural Funds are measures that address regional

inequalities, in the attempt to promote more balanced economic and social development

within the European Union. Therefore, access to these resources is conditional on the ability of

the arts to prove their efficacy in the social sphere.

In the light of this survey of the main developments in cultural policy over the last twenty –

years, it should be easier to put current polices on social exclusion and the arts in context.

Despite the rhetoric of the funding bodies (evolving around the keywords of participation,

empowerment, social cohesion, personal and community growth, so reminiscent of the 1970s

debate on cultural democracy), current policies in the cultural field are the direct derivation of

the instrumental theories of culture that dominated the policy debate in the 1980s. Policies

aiming at tackling social exclusion through the arts still justify public “investment” in the arts

through the argument that they provide “value for money”: a cost-effective contribution to the

solution of weighty social problems.
6

THE ARTS AGAINST EXCLUSION: IMPLICATIONS OF AN

INSTRUMENTAL CULTURAL POLICY

The main implication of this instrumental view of cultural policy is that the claim that

investment in the arts actually does produce positive social impacts has to be convincingly

proved. Moreover, for the argument to hold, it should also be demonstrated that investment in

the arts can make a significant contribution to the cause of social inclusion, in fact more than

investment in other areas of public and social policy. In this perspective, the evaluation of the

social impact of arts programmes assumes paramount importance. Quite surprisingly, however,

virtually no critical study of the social impacts of the subsidised arts has been conducted in the

UK (DCMS, 1999b).

The only exception is the project carried out by the consultancy and research organisation

Comedia on the social purpose and value of participatory arts. The aim of the project was “to

develop a methodology for evaluating the social impact of arts programmes, and to begin to

assess that impact in key areas” (Matarasso, 1996). To this end, around 60 arts projects were

chosen to represent the core case studies, with some 600 people (both organisers and

participants) contributing through interviews, discussion groups, and questionnaires

(Matarasso, 1997, p. 7). In the final report on the project, Use or Ornament?, François

Matarasso has summarised and presented the findings on the social impacts arising from

participation in the arts. This is indeed the area of the arts to which social benefits are most

commonly attributed in policy discussions (Matarasso, 1997, p. iii).

The unquestionable merit of the project, and of Matarasso’s work in particular, is that it

represents the first—and so far the only—attempt at formulating a specif

Sociology homework help

Week 4 dq 1 response 2 449

Alejandra Gutierrez Arana

Class,

In the video, Anna makes it clear that she does not feel comfortable being around Jackie’s family. She mentions that she feels unwelcome by Jackie’s family because they do not really speak to her when she is around. Overall, Anna is not opposed to going to spend the holidays with Jackie’s family. She would just like her family to be more welcoming. Anna would like for Jackie to communication to her family about her coming out and her relationship with Anna. The family systems theory assumes that a family is a whole system. This system is complex, has subsystems and family members, and each member has a purpose (Lang, 2020). Boundaries within the family systems include who is a member of the system. These boundaries influence the movement of people into and out of the system as well as the information coming into and out of the family. Boundaries can also be open or more restricted. Being open will allow others to freely come and go, while those with tighter restrictions are not as free. Closed boundaries also make it more difficult being accepted by one’s family. Homeostasis is the tendency to resist change in order to maintain stable and consistent environments (Khan Academy, n.d.). Feedback loop systems identify processes and behaviors in a family system. In this case, it seems that Jackie does not want to talk to her parents about her being gay. She does not want the environment with her family to change. She does not want the boundaries of her family to change. It seems that Jackie’s parents hold power for her family. Jackie’s decisions to not speak to her parents about being gay is influenced by the power her parents hold. 

References:

Khan Academy. (n.d.). Homeostasis. Khan Academy. Retrieved April 26, 2022, from https://www.khanacademy.org/science/ap-biology/cell-communication-and-cell-cycle/feedback/a/homeostasis

Lang, D. (2020, May 18). Family Systems Theory. Parenting and Family Diversity Issues. Retrieved April 26, 2022, from https://iastate.pressbooks.pub/parentingfamilydiversity/chapter/the-family-systems-theory/ 

Sociology homework help

Culture, Scarcity, and Maternal Thinking: Maternal Detachment and Infant Survival in a
Brazilian Shantytown
Author(s): Nancy Scheper-Hughes
Source: Ethos, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Winter, 1985), pp. 291-317
Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
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The 1985 Stirling Award Essay

Culture, Scarcity, and
Maternal Thinking:

Maternal Detachment and Infant Survival in a
Brazilian Shantytown

NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES

Maternal practices begin in love, a love which for most mothers is as intense,
confusing, ambivalent, poignantly sweet as any they will experience.

Sara Ruddick (1980:344)

This paper is about culture, scarcity, and maternal thinking. It ex-
plores maternal beliefs, sentiments, and practices bearing on child
treatment and child survival among women of Alto do Cruzeiro, a
hillside shantytown of recent rural migrants. It is set in Northeast
Brazil, a region dominated by the vestiges of a semifeudal plantation
economy which, in its death throes, has spawned a new class: a rural
proletariat of unattached and often desperate rural laborers living
on the margins of the economy in shantytowns and invasion barrios
grafted onto interior market towns. O Nordeste is a land of contrasts:
cloying fields of sugar cane amidst hunger and disease; a land of au-

NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES is Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Uni-
versity of California, Berkeley.

291

Wenjia Zhang
Wenjia Zhang

292 ETHOS

thoritarian landlords and libertarian social bandits; of conservative
Afro-Brazilian possession cults, and a radical, politicized Catholi-
cism. In short, the Northeast is the heart of the Third World in Bra-
zil-its mothers and babies heirs to the so-called Brazilian Eco-
nomic Miracle, a policy of capital accumulation that has increased
both the Gross National Product and the Gross National Indiffer-
ence to a childhood mortality rate that has been steadily rising
throughout the nation since the late 1960s.’

Approximately 1 million children under the age of 5 die each year
in Brazil, largely the result of parasitic infections interacting with
infectious disease and chronic undernutrition. Of these, few could
be saved (for long) by the miracles of modern medicine. Infant and
childhood mortality in the Third World is a problem ofpolitical econ-

omy, not of medical technology. Here, however, I will discuss another

pair of childhood pathogens-maternal detachment and indiffer-
ence toward infants and babies judged too weak or too vulnerable
to survive the pernicious conditions of shantytown life. The follow-

ing analysis of the reproductive histories of 72 women of Alto do
Cruzeiro explores the links between economic and maternal depriva-
tion, between material and emotional scarcity. It discusses the so-
cial and economic context that shapes the expression of maternal
sentiments and the cultural meanings of mother love and child

death, and determines the experiences of attachment, separation,
and loss. It identifies a unifying metaphor of life as a luta, a struggle,
between strong and weak, or between weak and weaker still, that is
invoked by Alto women to explain the necessity of allowing some-

especially their very sick-babies to die “a mingua, ” that is, without

attention, care, or protection. This same metaphor is projected on
to body imagery in mothers’ perception of their bodies as “wasted”
and their breasts as “sucked dry” by the mouths of their infants,
producing the disquieting image of hungry women hungrily con-
sumed by their own children.

Finally, it is argued that maternal thinking and practices are so-

ciallyproduced rather than determined by a psychobiological script of
innate or universal emotions such as has been suggested in the
biomedical literature on “maternal bonding” and, more recently, in
the new feminist scholarship on maternal sentiments.

Wenjia Zhang

CULTURE, SCARCITY, AND MATERNAL THINKING 293

BACKGROUND/CASE STUDIES

Two events, occurring more or less simultaneously, first captured
my attention and started me thinking about maternal behavior un-
der particularly adverse conditions. One event was public and idio-
syncratic, the other was private and altogether commonplace. One
aroused community sentiments of anger and hostility; the other
aroused no public sentiments at all. Both concerned the survival of
children in similarly unfortunate circumstances.

ROSA

During a drought in the summer of 1967 while I was then a Peace

Corps health and community development worker living in Alto do
Cruzeiro in the interior market town of Ladeiras (a pseudonym), I
was drawn one day by curiosity to the jail cell of a young woman
from an outlying rural district who had just been apprehended for
the murder of her infant son and 1-year-old daughter. The infant
had been smothered, while the little girl had been hacked with a
machete and dashed against a tree trunk. Rosa, the mother, became,
for a brief period, a central attraction in Ladeiras as both rich and
poor passed her barred window in order to rain down slurs on her
head: “beast”; “disgraceful wretch”; “women without shame”;
“unnatural creature.” Face-to-face with the withdrawn and timid
girl, I asked her the obvious, “Why did you do it?” And she replied,
as she must have for the hundredth time: “to stop them from crying
for milk.” After a pause she added (perhaps to her own defense):
“bichinos nao sente nada”-little things have no feelings. Embar-
rassed, I withdrew quickly, and left the girl (for she was little more
than that) alone to ponder her “crime.”

LOURDES AND ZE

I lived at that time on the Alto, not far from the makeshift lean-to
of Lourdes, a young girl of 17, single and pregnant for the second
time. Conditions on the Alto do Cruzeiro were then, as now, ap-
palling: contaminated drinking water, food shortages, unchecked
infectious disease, lack of sanitation, and crowded living conditions

294 ETHOS

decimated especially the oldest and youngest residents of the hill.
Lourdes’s first born, Ze-Ze, was about a year old and severely mar-
asmic (i.e., malnourished)-toothless, hairless, and unable even to
sit up, he spent his days curled up in a hammock or lying on a piece
of cardboard on the mud floor where he was harassed by stray dogs
and goats. I became involved with Zezino after I was called on to
help Lourdes with the birth of her second child, a son about whom
a great fuss was made because he was both fair (loiro) and robust
(forte). With Lourdes’s limited energy and attention now given over
to the newborn, Zezino’s condition worsened and I decided to in-
tervene. I carried him off to the cooperative day care nursery (creche)
I had organized with the more activist women of the hill. My efforts
to rescue Ze were laughed at by the other women, and Zezino him-
self resisted my efforts to save him with a perversity perhaps only
equal to my own. He refused to eat and wailed pitifully whenever I
approached him. The creche mothers advised me to leave Zezino
alone. They said they had seen many babies like this one and that
“if a baby wants to die, it will die” and that this one was completely
disanimado, lifeless, without fight. It was wrong, they cautioned, to
fight death. But this was a philosophy alien to me and I continued
to do battle with the little boy until finally he succumbed: he ate,
gained weight, his hair grew in, and his face filled out. Gradually,
too, he developed a strong attachment to me. Long before he could
walk he would spring to my back where he would wrap his spindly
arms and legs around me. His anger at being loosed from that po-
sition could be formidable. He even learned to smile. But along with
the other women of the creche I wondered whether Ze would ever be
“right” again, whether he could develop normally after the traumas
he had been through. Worse, there were the traumas yet to come
since I had to return him to Lourdes in her miserable conditions.
And what of Lourdes-was this fair to her? Lourdes did agree to
take Zezino back and she seemed more interested in him now that
he looked more human than monkey, while my own investment in
the child began to wane. By this time I was well socialized into shan-
tytown culture and I never again put so much effort where the odds
were so poor.

I returned to the Alto in the summer of 1982, 18 years later.

Among the women of the Alto who formed my research sample was
Lourdes, still in desperate straits and still fighting to put together

Wenjia Zhang

CULTURE, SCARCITY, AND MATERNAL THINKING 295

the semblance of a life for her five living children, the oldest of whom
was Ze, now a young man of 20, and filling in as “head” of the
household-a slight, quiet, reserved young man with a droll sense
of humor. Much was made of the reunion between Zezino and me,
and the story was told several times of how I had wisked Zezino off
when he was all but given up for dead and had force fed him like a
fiesta turkey. Ze laughed the hardest of all, his arm protectively
around his mother’s shoulders. When I asked Ze later in private the

question I asked all my informants-Who has been your greatest
friend and ally in life, the one person on whom you could always
depend-he took a long drag on his cigarette and replied, “My
mother, of course.”

I introduce these vignettes as caveats to the following analysis.
With respect to the first story, it was to point out that severe child

battering leading to death is universally recognized as criminally de-
viant in Nordestino society and culture. It is, to this day, so rare as to
be almost unthinkable, so abhorrent that the perpetrator is scarcely
thought of as human. “Mother love” is a commonsense and richly
elaborated motif in Brazilian culture, celebrated in literature, art,
and verse, in public ceremonies, in music and folklore, and in the

continuing folk Catholic devotion to the Virgin Mother. Nonethe-
less, selective neglect accompanied by maternal detachment is both
widespread among the poorer populations of Ladeiras but “invisi-
ble”-generally unrecognized by those outside shantytown culture,
even by professionals such as clinic doctors and teachers who come
into frequent contact with severely neglected babies and young chil-
dren. Within the shantytown, child death a mingua (accompanied by
maternal indifference and neglect) is understood as an appropriate
maternal response to a deficiency in the child. Part of learning how
to mother on the Alto includes learning when to “let go.”

I also want to point out, with reference to the second vignette, that
although the data indicate that Alto mothers do sometimes with-
draw care and affection from some of their babies, such behaviors
do not invariably lead to death, nor are the distanced maternal emo-
tions irreversible. One of the benefits of returning to the same com-
munity where I had previously worked was the chance to observe
the positive outcomes of several memorable cases of selective ne-
glect-children, who, like Ze, survived and were later able to win
their way inside the domestic circle of protective custody and love.

Wenjia Zhang

296 ETHOS

It is also essential to note that selective neglect is not analogous to
what we mean in the United States by “child abuse”; it is not mo-
tivated by anger, hate, or aggression toward the child. Such senti-
ments-part of the “classic” child abuse syndrome identified in the
United States (Steele and Pollock 1968; Gill 1970; Bourne and New-
berger 1979; Gelles 1973; Kempe and Helfer 1980)-appear alto-
gether lacking among women of the Alto who are far more likely to
express pityfor, than anger against, a dependent child, who are dis-
inclined to strike what is seen as an innocent and irrational creature,
and who, to the best of my knowledge, never project images of evil
or badness onto a small child.

THE SAMPLE: THE WOMEN OF O CRUZEIRO

My sample of 72 Alto women was an opportunistic one, com-
prised of the first women to volunteer for the study following an open
meeting I called at the creche and social center at the top of the hill.
Many more women volunteered over the next several weeks than I
could possibly have interviewed during the brief period of my stay
(8 weeks). The only criterion for inclusion in the sample was that
the woman had been pregnant at least once. All understood that I
was studying reproduction and mothering within the context of
women’s lives on the Alto.

The interviews elicited demographic information, work history,
patterns of migration, marital history. This was followed by a dis-
cussion of each pregnancy and its outcome. For each live birth the
following information was recorded: location of, and assistance
with, the delivery; mother’s perceptions of the infant’s weight,
health status, temperament; infant feeding practices; history of early
childhood illnesses, how treated, and outcomes, including mortal-
ity. Following the reproductive history I asked each mother a series
of open-ended, provocative, and evaluative questions, including:
Why do so many infants die here? What do infants need most in
order to survive the first year of life? What could most improve the
situation of mothers and infants here? Who has been your greatest
source of comfort and support throughout your adult life? How
many children are enough to raise? Do you prefer to raise sons or
daughters and why?

Wenjia Zhang

CULTURE, SCARCITY, AND MATERNAL THINKING 297

As both psychological anthropologist and feminist I was con-
cerned not only with raising questions about behavior and practice
(i.e., did some of these women selectively neglect some of their in-
fants and place them at risk) but also with questions of meaning and
motivation, how and why they might do this. I wanted to know what
infant death and loss meant to them, and how they explained and
interpreted their actions as women and mothers. I wanted to know
what were the effects of chronic scarcity and deprivation on wom-
en’s abilities to nurture, to attend, indeed even to love. And, finally,
I wanted to know what were the consequences of continual loss of
infants and babies for the world views of Alto mothers, as, at a later
stage, I hope to explore the consequences of selective neglect on the
personalities, beliefs, and sentiments of those children-like Ze-
Ze-who do survive in spite of their inauspicious and inhospitable
early experiences. What follows here is a discussion of the initial
findings from the first and exploratory stage of the research.

I was able to work efficiently during this initial period because I
was both known and trusted on the Alto as the Americana who had
once lived and worked with them. In fact, several of the older
women and their adult daughters (now grandmothers and mothers)
in my sample were the very same young mothers and toddlers with
whom I had worked 20 years ago (1964-1966) in the construction
and operation of a cooperative day care center for working mothers.
My previous work and association with the midwives of the Alto and
my attendance at numerous home births years ago now gave me ac-
cess to the homes of young women who gave birth during the re-
search period.

The women interviewed ranged in age from 17 to 71; the median
age of 39 meant that most were still potentially fertile. A profile of
the average woman in my sample could read as follows. She was
born on an engenho (sugar plantation) where she grew up working
“at the foot of the cane.” She attended school briefly and while she
can do sums with great facility, she cannot read. After marriage she
moved several times always in search of better work conditions for
her husband or a better life for the children, preferably a vida na rua
(a life on urban streets) rather than in the mata, the rural backwa-
ters. Her husband or present companion is a “good” man, but de-
scribed as meio-fraco, weak-poor, unskilled, unemployed, or worse,
sickly and dependent or, perhaps, a cachazeiro, a drunkard. They

Wenjia Zhang
Wenjia Zhang

298 ETHOS

have been separated from time to time. She works at least part time
in the marketplace, as a domestic, or taking in laundry, or even, sea-
sonally, hiring herself out in the fields. The combined weekly house-
hold income in 1982, Cr$5000 ($25.00), put the family on the bor-
ders between pobreza and pobretao-poverty and absolute misery.
The nuclear family is counted from above and below-including the
little dead angels in heaven, and os desgraqados, the living but sinful
children on earth.

REPRODUCTIVE HISTORIES

The 72 women reported a staggering 686 pregnancies and 251
childhood deaths (birth to 5 years). The average woman (speaking
statistically) experienced 9.5 pregnancies, 1.4 miscarriages, abor-
tions, or stillbirths, and 3.5 deaths of children. She has 4.5 living
children. Many infants and toddlers were, however, reported by
their mothers to be sick or frail at the time of the interview, and at
least some of these could be anticipated to join the mortality statis-
tics in the months and years ahead (see Table 1).

Alto babies are at greatest risk during the first year of life: 70% of
the deaths had occurred between birth and 6 months, and 82% by
the end of the first year. No doubt contributing to the high mortality
in the first year is the erosion of breastfeeding which, the interviews
with my older informants reveal, had begun on the plantations long
before commercial powdered milk was available. All Alto infants are
reared from birth on mingaus and papas, cereals of rice or manioc
flour mixed with milk and sugar. The breast, when offered at all, is

TABLE 1

REPRODUCTIVE HISTORIES SUMMARY

Total pregnancies 686 (9.5/woman)
Total living children 329 (4.5/woman)
Miscarriages/abortions 85 ~1.
Stillbirths 16 101 (1.4/woman)
Childhood deaths (birth-5 yrs.) 251 (3.5/woman)
Childhood deaths (6-12 yrs.) 5

N = 72 women; ages 19-71; median age 39.

Wenjia Zhang

CULTURE, SCARCITY, AND MATERNAL THINKING 299

only a supplement to the staple baby food, mingau. Central to the

precipitous decline in breastfeeding among Alto mothers2 is not so
much a positive valuation of commercial powdered milk as a per-
vasive devaluation of breastmilk related to the women’s often dis-
torted perceptions of their bodies, and breasts in particular, to be
discussed below.

SEX, BIRTH ORDER, AND TEMPERAMENT

I probed the circumstances surrounding each pregnancy, birth,
and death, and I elicited infant care practices and mothers’ theories
of infant development and infant needs. In addition, I probed for

patterns of preferential treatment or neglect, and I asked the women
to share with me their thoughts and feelings about motherhood,
family life, about joy and affliction, about loss and grief. Neither the

reproductive histories nor the interviews revealed a strong sex or
birth order bias.

The 72 mothers reported a total of 251 deaths of offspring from
birth to 5 years: 129 males and 122 females (Table 2). Despite a

fairly pervasive ideology of male dominance in Brazilian culture, the
women of the Alto expressed no consistent pattern of sex preference,
and virtually all agreed that a mother would want to have a balance
between sons and daughters. Both sexes were valued in children,
although for different reasons. Boys were said by mothers to be

TABLE 2

SEX AND AGE AT DEATH (BIRTH-5 YEARS)

Male Female Total

Postpartum
(1-14 days) 21 12 33

15 days-7 weeks 18 8 26 175 205
2 mos.-6 mos. 57 59 116 (70%) (82%)
7 mos.-1 year 13 17 30
13 mos.-2 years 12 15 27
2/2 yrs.-5 yrs. 8 11 19

Totals: 129 122 251

N = 251.

Wenjia Zhang

300 ETHOS

“easy” to care for and were independent from an early age. Sons
could be sent out to “forage” in the market and were unashamed to
beg or steal, if necessity came to that. Sons were also enjoyed for
their skill in street games and sports, an important aspect of com-
munity life on the Alto. But daughters were highly valued as well:
they were not only useful at home, but were a mother’s lifelong
friend and intimate. Alto mothers and daughters strive to stay in
proximity to each other throughout the life cycle; distance, dissen-
tion, and alienation between mothers and daughters occurs, but is
considered both tragic and deviant. “Obviously,” Alto mothers
would conclude, a woman would want to have at least one casal (a
boy-girl pair) and preferably two pairs, spaced closely together.

With respect to birth order among the subset of completed fami-
lies, the most “protected” cohorts were those children occupying a
middle rank, neither among the first or last born. Although child-
hood deaths often occurred in runs, this usually reflected external
life circumstances of the mother during that period of her reproduc-
tive career, and there were no strong correlations between birth or-
der and survivability. However, the casula, the last born child to sur-
vive infancy, was particularly loved and indulged.

Far more significant with respect to maternal investment was the
mother’s perception of the baby’s constitution and temperament-
the infant’s qualities of readiness for the uphill struggle that is life.
The mothers readily expressed a preference for babies who evi-
denced early on the physical and psychological characteristics of
“fighters” and “survivors.” Active, quick, sharp, playful, and de-

velopmentally precocious babies were much preferred to quiet, doc-
ile, passive, inactive, or developmentally delayed babies. Mothers

spoke fondly of those babies who were a little brabo (wild), who were
sabido (wise before their years), and who were jeitoso (skillful with
objects, words, tasks, people). One young mother explained:

I prefer a more active baby, because when they are quick and lively they will never
be at a loss in life. The worst temperament in a baby is one that is dull and morto de
espirito [lifeless], a baby so calm it just sits there without any energy. When they
grow up they’re good for nothing.

The vividly expressed disaffection of Alto mothers for their quieter
and slower babies was particularly unfortunate in an area where
malnutrition, parasitic infections, and dehydration artificially pro-

Wenjia Zhang
Wenjia Zhang
Wenjia Zhang

CULTURE, SCARCITY, AND MATERNAL THINKING 301

duce these symptoms in a great many babies. A particularly lethal
form of negative feedback results when some Alto mothers reject and
withdraw their affections from their passive and less demanding ba-
bies whose disvalued “character traits” are primarily the symptoms
of chronic hunger. This pattern is revealed in the mothers’ expla-
nations of their children’s causes of death.

PERCEIVED CAUSES OF CHILDHOOD MORTALITY

Although uneducated and, for the most part, illiterate, the shan-
tytown mothers interviewed were all too keenly aware that the pri-
mary cause of infant mortality was gastroenteric and other infec-
tious diseases resulting from living in, as they so graphically phrased
it, a porcaria, a pig sty. When asked why, in general, so many babies
and young children of O Cruzeiro die, the women were quick to re-
ply: “they die because we are poor, because we are hungry”; “they
die because the water we drink is filthy with germs”; “they die be-
cause we can’t keep them in shoes or away from this human garbage
dump we live in”; “they die because we get worthless medical care:
‘street medicine,’ ‘medicine on the run’ “; “they die because we
have no safe place to leave them when we go off to work.”

When asked what it is that infants need most in order to survive
the first year of life, the Alto mothers in my sample invariably an-
swered “good food, proper nutrition, milk, vitamins.” I soon be-
came bored with its concreteness. The irony, however, was that not
a single mother had stated that either a lack of food or insufficient
milk was a primary or even a contributing cause of death for any of
her own children. Perhaps they must exercise this denial because the
alternative-the recognition that a child is slowly starving to
death-is too painful.

Table 3 offers a condensed rendering of these women’s percep-
tions of the major pathogens affecting the lives of their children. Cer-
tainly naturalistic explanations predominated in which biomedical
conceptions of contagion and infection blend with aspects of hu-
moral pathology and belief in the etiological significance of teething.
While a vontage de Deus, God’s will, was understood as the ultimate
cause of all human events (including the death of one’s children), in
very few instances did mothers attribute particular deaths to the im-
mediate action or will of God or the saints. Human agency (al-

Wenjia Zhang
Wenjia Zhang
Wenjia Zhang

302 ETHOS

TABLE 3

CAUSES OF INFANT/CHILDHOOD DEATHS (MOTHERS’ EXPLANATIONS)

I. The Natural Realm (locus of responsibility: natural pathogens)
A. Gastroenteric (various types of diarrhea) 71
B. Other Infectious, Communicable Diseases 41
C. Teething (denticao) 13
D. Skin, Liver, Blood Diseases 13

Total: 138

II. Supernatural Realm (locus of responsibility: God, the saints)
A. De Repente (taken suddenly by God, saints) 9
B. Castigo (punishment for sin of the parent) 3

Total: 12

III. The Social Realm (locus of responsibility: human agency is directly
or indirectly implied)

A. Malignant Emotions (envy, shock, fear) 14
B. Resguardo Quebrado (postpartum or illness precautions broken) 5
C. Mal Trato (poor care, including poor medical care) 6
D. Doenfa de Crianca (“ugly diseases” involving benign neglect) 39
E. Fraqueza (perceived constitutional weakness that involves

maternal under-investment) 37

Total: 101

though not necessarily guilt and responsibility) was imputed to the
deaths of 101 of the children. This includes deaths attributed to poor
care (mal trato), to uncontrolled pathogenic emotions (such as anger
or envy resulting in evil eye, or fear resulting in the folk syndrome
susto [magical fright]), and to breaking of customary precautions
(resguardas) surrounding childbirth and the 40 days following, and
attached to common childhood ailments. Finally, the interviews re-
vealed a pattern of passive selective neglect expressed in the medium
of the folk diagnoses of doenfa de crianca (sickness of the child) and of

fraqueza (weakness) implying in both cases a will toward death in
the child.

Underlying and uniting these etiological notions is a world view
in which all of life is conceptualized as a luta, a power struggle be-
tween strong and weak. Death can be stronger than young life, and
so mothers can speak of a baby whose drive toward life was not suf-

ficently strong or well developed, or who had an aversion (disgosto)
to life. A pregnant woman who is “used up” (acabado) from too many

Wenjia Zhang

CULTURE, SCARCITY, AND MATERNAL THINKING 303

previous pregnancies is said to transfer this weakness to the fetus
who is then born frail and skinny, unfit for the luta ahead. Con-

versely, when a mother says that her infant suffered many crises

during its first year but vingou (triumphed) in any case, she is giving
proud testimony to the child’s inner vitality, his or her will to live,
to lutar (to fight). If an infant succumbs to denticao (teething) it is
understood that she died because the “force of the teeth” over-
whelmed the delicate little system. The folk pediatric illness gasto is
almost always fatal because the infant’s alimentary canal is reduced
to a sieve: whatever goes into the mouth comes out directly in violent
bouts of vomiting and bloody diarrhea. The baby becomes gasto
(spent, wasted), his or vital fluids and energy gone. Most disquiet-
ing, however, is the image mothers convey of those of their babies
who were said to have died of thirst, their tongues blackened and

hanging out of their mouths because their mothers were too weak,
ruined, or diseased to breastfeed them. One young mother said:

They are born already starving in the womb. They are born bruised and discolored,
their tongues swollen in their mouths. If we were to nurse them constantly we
would all die of tuberculosis. Weak people can’t give much milk.

When I challenged a young and vigorous Alto woman about her
inability to breastfeed, she responded angrily, pointing to her
breast, “Look. They can suck and suck all they want, but all they
will get from me is blood.” Once again we have the metaphor of a
luta-the struggle between weak and weaker over scarce resources.
Another reason given by Alto mothers for their failure to breastfeed
their babies for more than the f

Sociology homework help

Extra Credit Pass or Fail in Cambodia Town
Purpose:
This assignment is designed for students to analyze aspects of the institution of education and
to apply information from previous course material: culture, sociological imagination, etc.

Task:
Students will need to view the following film (click on title): Pass or Fail in Cambodia Town If
you are not able to access the film, please use the following link: America By The Numbers |
Pass or Fail in Cambodia Town | Season 1 | Episode 6 | PBS

Students will need to use the following subheading (see below) and respond to the questions
listed under the subheading:

Model Minority (use this subheading)
Define the term model minority
Explain how Asian-Americans being identified as a model minority is problematic using this film
“Pass or Fail in Cambodia Town”

Culture (use this subheading)
Explain how culture had an influence on the way some Cambodians view Education.

Social Issue (use this subheading)
Identify a social issue from the film
Connect the social issue to a social institution in society
Explain how this a social issue
What are some recommendations (structural changes) you can give to help alleviate the social
issue you identified from the film? Your response needs to be thorough and detailed.

History and Biography (use this subheading)
Remember the aspect of Sociological Imagination history and biography. Explain how this film
illustrates the importance of knowing the connection that history has on the individual (the
biography).

Institution of Education (use this subheading)
For this question you will need to:

Connect this film to the chapter on Education by using a minimum of 2 relevant
sociological concepts from the chapter. Do Not Use Theory (functionalism,
symbolic interactionism, conflict theory, or feminist theory)—as theory and
concepts are the same thing.
Define the sociological concept in your own words and
Provide relevant examples from the film to support the connections between the film and
sociological concepts from the Chapter on Education.

New Knowledge (use this subheading)
What new knowledge did you gain from this video? How do you plan to use this new
knowledge?

Criteria for Success:
Students will need to:

1. Respond to all questions in complete sentences
2. Use the subheadings (you do not need to re-write the question)
3. Complete the assignment by the due date
4. Submit the assignment using the following steps:

• Save assignment as word document file (either on your computer or thumb drive)
please do not use Pages format–as I cannot access this format

• Go to Browse My Computer–after you have open this find your saved file
• Upload the file
• Once you have uploaded your file you will need to click submit to submit the

assignment.
• Please do not use the comment box to submit your assignment.

Sociology homework help

DQ 1 WEEK 3 response 1 449

Clineesha Murray

Hello Dr. Smith and Class,

Looking at this particular video the case manager did not make the client feel welcomed because he was 15 minutes late. She made him aware of his tardiness as soon as he entered. She didn’t ask him was he ok or did anything happen on the way there. The case worker then wanted the client an agreement form and didn’t explain the form for him to approve or disapprove. I learned that as a case manager we should treat others with respect regardless of how they approach you. “To cultivate acceptance and empathy for clients, social workers must: Attempt what their clients are feeling by steeping in there shoes. Leave behind and challenge all stereotypes, generalization, and judgement. View each client as a unique individual. (Building a Social Worker-Client Relationship)

Changes were more positive upon the clients entrance. The case mange calls the client by name and offered a handshake. She ask the client what does he want to be called. This helps the clients to feel respected by the case manager. Also the case manager why was he there to see her which shows he is trying to be better and take action. This allowed them to converse about the process of the case. This made the session for the client and the case manger.

Best Regards,

Clineesha

Building A Social Worker-Client Relationship https://study.com

Sociology homework help

1


School of Security and Global Studies
Senior Seminar in Emergency and Disaster Management
EDMG 498


Course Project: EOC Grant Outline


Student Name:


Course Section:


Name of Locality:


Part A


Community Description


Name of Locality:
[ List the community’s name and state. Your community should be a political subdivision such as a county, parish, or large city.]


Complete Description of Location and Boundaries:
[Completely describe the location and boundaries of your community. Make these as clear as possible and identifiable on a map. Include a map, or maps, of your community, and caption your map(s) properly.]




Main Community Mission:
[ Main reason for being a community- Why does the community exist? Detail the reason for being a community, its “raison d’etre”, e.g., Manufacturing, Agriculture, Tourism, Services, ‘Bedroom Community’ for nearby metropolis, Higher Education, etc.]


Secondary Community Mission(s):
[ Other reasons for being a community- Why does that community exist? Detail the secondary reason(s) for being a community, e.g., Manufacturing, Agriculture, Tourism, Services, ‘Bedroom Community’ for nearby metropolis, Higher Education, etc.]


Part B


Community Topography and Climate


Climate and Weather Conditions:
[ What is the climate and weather found in your community? What serious climate or weather conditions may present hazards?]


Community Topography:
[ Describe the Topography of your community. Include anything that might be a particular hazard.]


Community Population and Demographics


Population and Demographics:
[What is the population, and what are the demographics of that population, in your community?]




Population at Risk/ Vulnerable populations:
[What groups are at risk from, or

vulnerable to, hazards, threats, or threat groups in your community? Why or how are

these groups at risk? Think “all-hazards” when contemplating threats.]





Part C


Community Threats and Threat Groups


Hazards, Threats, Risks and Threat Groups:
[What are the hazards, threats and threat groups which you see as potential problems for your community? Use an all-hazards approach]


Targets/ Vulnerable Populations:
[What are the groups or population segments that these threats might target or harm? What vulnerable populations exist within the community? Again, remember to use an all-hazards approach]





Part D


Critical Infrastructure and Key Resources (CIKR)


Identify Community Vulnerable Critical Infrastructure:
[Review your Critical Infrastructure and Key Resources and choose five or more as priorities for protection and mitigation. List your choices and include the reasoning for each choice; address their attributes, value to the community, and their vulnerabilities.]





Conclusion


Investment Impact

[ Describe how the project efficiently enhances EOC capabilities in a response.

Page Limit: Not to exceed a ½ page response

Instructions:

Describe how the project will enhance emergency management capabilities for the State, local, or tribal applicant

Describe how the project will accomplish this in a cost- effective manner ]


Pre-Existing Planning

[ Describe any pre-existing planning efforts that have been conducted for this investment.

Response Type Narrative

Page Limit Not to exceed ½ page response

Instructions

Description of any pre-existing planning that has taken place relative to the deficiencies noted in the facility assessment, including:

Architectural plans developed

Permits in Place

Description of any pre-existing planning that has taken place relative to the proposed project

Description of hazard-resistance design guidance utilized as part of the pre-existing planning, such as but not limited to

FEMA 426/452 for identifying and mitigating man-made and terrorist threats

FEMA 361 and FEMA 543 for identifying and mitigating flood and wind hazards

FEMA 310 (ASCE 31) and FEMA 356 for identifying and mitigating seismic hazards

Description of any current activities that have taken place relative to rectifying the identified deficiencies or needs identified in the assessment]

References

C:\Users\pgart\Documents\APUS\EDMG 498 Revision\Course Project EOC Grant Outline_rev20200415.docx

Saved 4/15/2020 8:07 PM

Sociology homework help

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/234147579

Groups That Don’t Want In: Gypsies and Other Artisan, Trader, and Entertainer

Minorities

Article  in  Annual Review of Anthropology · November 1986

DOI: 10.1146/annurev.an.15.100186.001515

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University of San Francisco (USF) and Union College

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Sociology homework help

Week 4 dq 1 response 4 449

Stephanie Flores

Hello Professor Smith and Classmates,

When we talk about congruency in social work and in counseling, from my understanding, it means that a person is accurately expressing verbally what they were thinking and feeling during a specific moment. It seems to be a broa term used to explain that a person’s verbal and nonverbal communication matches. It is often used interchangeably with genuiness, authenticity, and transparency. (Sutani, N., 2020) In the video “Home for the Holidays” when we look at the congruency of Anna’s messages, we are looking to see if what Anna is saying is matching what she was feeling during specific events her and Jackie are talking about. Anna was able to clearly and effectively express that her frustrations with Jackie’s family was not exclusive to one singular event but multiple events over the course of their relationship. She explains her frustrations with how her family treats her when they get together and feeling like she “can’t be herself” around Jackie’s family. She is able to convey that part of this is her own fault but that the treatment from Jackie’s parents and family does not help.

In family systems theory boundaries “are invisible lines that identify people as insiders and as outsiders” (Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K., 2017) Essentially, how open or closed a family’s boundaries are will determine how external influences and those outside the family are able to enter the family. If we think about Jackie’s family, they could be described as having rigid boundaries. “Rigid boundaries can serve important functions for the family by preserving territoriality, protecting the family from undesired intrusions, and safeguarding privacy, among others. ” (Hepworth, et al, 2017)

Homeostasis in a family is how the family balances their family dynamic. Feedback loops are the interactions (or expected interactions) that influence the family and it’s members. (Hepworth, et al, 2017) For Jackie’s family, this balance in the family is the comfortable state they felt prior to Jackie coming out to them. The feedback loops can be found in the way Jackie explains how she told her parents she was moving in with Anna and her parents response were to leave the room/situation (her father) and change the subject (her mother). This can be seen as push back to the idea of Jackie being gay and Jackie refusing to push the subject of her sexuality and discuss the issue further with her parents can be seen as her families attempt to maintain homeostasis.

From how Jackie and Anna explain the conflict handling within Jackie’s family, it can be understood that the family heirarchy is that her father is at the top, followed by her mother, and the children are at the bottom. Her father is the decision maker, her mother follows along with this, and Jackie conforms to their expectations or actions. If her parents do not want to discuss or face conflict, they avoid it and Jackie will not bring it up any further therein, avoiding the conflict and addressing issues within the family altogether.

Respectfully,

Stephanie

———————

References:

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). Assessing Family Functioning in Diverse Family and Cultural Contexts. Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning.

Sutani, N. (2020). Understanding congruence in person-centred counselling practice: A trainee counsellor’s perspective. ProgCounc: Journal of Professionals in Guidance and Counselinghttps://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.21831/jjpip.v13i1.100000

Sociology homework help

Dr. Apt

SOCI 202

23 April 2022

Family Reflection

It is with great pleasure that I nominate my family for the 2022 family Award for most complicated. In my upbringing my family preached a lot about gender roles. They would explain how females keep the house clean and males do the yard work meanwhile the females in my family did both. They taught me that males had to be strong, but they treat the males in my family “soft and gentle.”

My family does not believe in “shacking up”, kids before marriage, or siblings having different fathers, yet all of this has happened. Even though people choose to live their lives how they want, our traditions and beliefs have been passed down through many generations.

They did not show me much about love and romance, but they did teach me to know what I want from my partner, never lower my expectations or standards for anyone,

Every one of us values family, and we all adore our loved ones. My family has a love and hate relationship; we miss each other when we are apart but when we are together, we cannot wait to leave each other.

Sociology homework help

DQ 1 WEEK 3 response 2 449

Hello Professor Smith and Classmates,

In the first session, the social worker remains seated when the client walks into the room and as she shakes his hand. She immediately points out that he is late to their meeting as well. Furthermore, when she is talking to the client about what their session entails, she uses language such as “i have to” to describe that she needs to inform the client of his rights and the confidentiality she should provide him. Her tone when discussing his progress as she states “you started treatment but never finished it” and “you probably didn’t learn much in those two weeks” is judgmental and accusatory. As a result, you can see the client is guarded, defensive, short with his responses, and doesn’t fully open up to her. By the end of the session, the client is extremely upset and storms out of the session. (Honestly, can you blame him?)

From Session 1, I learned that how you interact with the client even at the beginning with body language can set up how the course of the session is going to proceed. Additionally, it does not matter what you personally think about what a client has done or who a client is, as social workers you are not put in place to cast further judgement on a client, rather your job is to be a resource and provide help to them. How you choose to interact with the client, whether that be open minded, understanding, non-judgmental and compassionate or the opposite will determine how your relationship with the client unfolds and grows. In the Redo of Session 1, you can see a difference in the way that the client responds to the social worker in the way she immediately greets him as he walks in, asks him to sit and asks him how he would like to be addressed by name. She also talks directly with the client about the purpose of their meeting rather than stating that she “has to” do these things. She is speaking respectfully to the client, offering him the opportunity to correct her on his record if she understands anything incorrectly, and allows him the space to share why he didn’t continue his treatment.

In watching the redo we can see that the way the social worker chooses to interact via non-verbal and verbal communication determines how comfortable or safe the client feels sharing personal information about themselves. In the first session, the client gave short responses with no additional information and in the redo of the session, the client is more open about themselves and why they didn’t continue therapy. The client is much more willing to work with the social worker, to agree to different treatment options or trying previous options again and is much more willing answer her questions when she is welcoming, warm, attentive, and non-judgmental about his past actions.

Our texts emphasizes the importance of respecting the individual, “To affirm the uniqueness of another person, you must be committed to entering that individual’s world, endeavoring to understand how that person experiences life. Only by attempting to walk in his or her shoes can you gain a full appreciation of the rich and complex individuality of another person.” (Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K., 2017) We saw in both videos how disrespect for an individual and respect for the individual makes a world of difference.

What are your thoughts class?

Respectfully,

Stephanie

——————–

References:

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). The Challenges and Opportunities of Social Work. Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning.

Sociology homework help

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v

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vi vii

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vi vii

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viii �

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viii �

�. T�� ������� ����� ��� B����� ���� ��

1. The hero of our story is Prince Siddhartha, the Buddha-to-be, who lived more than
2,500 years ago. His father was the Rajah of the Sakya clan, King Suddhodana, and
his mother was �een Maha Maya. They lived in India, in a city called Kapilava�hu,
in the foothills of the Himalayas.

� �

�. T�� ���� �� K�����������

2. Siddhartha’s parents belonged to the Indian warrior caste. They lived in a
great palace in their capital city of Kapilava�hu, beneath the majestic mountains
of the Himalayas. �een Maha Maya was beautiful, intelligent and good. King
Suddhodana was honoured and respected because he ruled well. Both of them were
admired and loved by the people they ruled.

� �

�. ���� M��� M��� ��� K��� S���������

3. A�er many years, �een Maha Maya became pregnant. She and her husband
were very happy about it. On the full moon day in the month of May, she gave birth
to a boy in Lumbini Park, while she was on her way to see her parents. Five days
a�er the prince’s birth the king asked five wise men to select a name for his son. They
named him Siddhartha. This name means “the one whose wishes will be fulfilled”.

� �

�. T�� ����� �� ���� M��� M���

4. There had been much rejoicing at the birth of the prince, but two days a�er he
was named, �een Maha Maya died. Everybody was shocked and felt very sad. But
the saddest person was, of course, her husband King Suddhodana. He was worried,
too, because his wise advisers had predicted that if the prince saw someone old,
someone sick, a dead person, and a monk, he would want to leave the palace and
become a monk himself, instead of being a prince.

� �

�. P������� G����� ����� ���� �� ��� ���� ������

5. The �een’s sister Prajapati Gotami took care of the baby prince with as much love
as if he were her own son. Prince Siddhartha was a healthy and happy boy. He liked
to learn and found it easy to study, and was the cleverest in his class and the best at
games. He was always considerate to others and was popular among his friends.

� �

�. T�� ������’� ������-��������

6. The prince was kind to everyone. He was gentle with his horse and other animals.
Because he was a prince his life was very easy, and he could have chosen to ignore
the problems of others. But he felt sympathy for others. He knew that all creatures,
including people, animals and all other living beings, like to be happy and don’t like
suffering and pain.

� �

�. T�� ������ �������� � �����

7. Siddhartha always took care not to do anything harmful to any creature. He liked to
help others. For example, one day the prince saw one of the town boys beating a snake
with a stick. He immediately stopped the boy, and told him not to hurt the snake.

� �

�. R������� � ���� ���� �� D��������

8. One day, Siddhartha was playing with his friends in the palace garden. One of
the boys was his cousin, Prince Devada�a. While Siddhartha was gentle and kind,
Devada�a was by nature cruel and liked to kill other creatures. While they were
playing, Devada�a shot a swan with his bow and arrow. It was badly wounded. But
Siddhartha took care of the swan until its wounds healed. When the swan was well
again, he let it go free.

� �

�. T�� ��������� ��������

9. Siddhartha liked to watch what was happening and think about different things.
One a�ernoon his father took him to the annual Ploughing Festival. The king started
the ceremony by driving the first pair of beautifully decorated bullocks. Siddhartha
sat down under a rose-apple tree and watched everyone. He noticed that while
people were happily enjoying themselves, the bullocks had to work terribly hard
and plough the field. They did not look happy at all.

�� ��

��. S����� ��� ������ �� ����

10. Then Siddhartha noticed various other creatures around him. He saw a lizard
eating ants. But soon a snake came, caught the lizard, and ate it. Then, suddenly a bird
came down from the sky, picked up the snake and so it was eaten also. Siddhartha
realised that all these creatures might think that they were happy for a while, but
that they ended up suffering.

�� ��

��. S�����R��� �� ����� ����������

11. Siddhartha thought deeply about what he saw around him. He learned that
although he was happy, there was a lot of suffering in life. So he felt deep sympathy
for all creatures. When the king and the maids noticed that the prince was not
among the crowd, they went to look for him. They were surprised to find the prince
si�ing crossed-legged, in deep meditation.

�� ��

��. T�� ���� ����� S�����R��� � ������

12. The king did not want his son to think about deep things in life too much,
because he remembered that the wise men had predicted that his son might one day
want to leave the palace and become a monk. So, in order to distract him, the king
built Siddhartha a beautiful palace with a lovely garden to play in. But this did not
stop the prince from thinking about the suffering and unhappiness that he noticed
around him.

�� ��

��. S�����R���’� �����, P������� Y��������

13. Siddhartha grew up to be a handsome young man of great strength. He was now
of an age to get married. To stop Siddhartha from thinking of leaving home, King
Suddhodana arranged for him to be married to his own beautiful cousin, Princess
Yasodhara.

�� ��

��. T�� �����-������ �������

14. Following the ancient tradition, Siddhartha had to prove how brave he was to
be worthy of Yasodhara. In the presence of her parents he was asked to tame a wild
horse. Siddhartha tamed the horse not by beating it, as some suitors might, but by
talking to the horse to calm it and stroking it gently. Yasodhara wanted to marry
the prince, and no one else. They were married in a great ceremony. Both were only
sixteen years old.

�� ��

��. T�� �������� ������

15. To stop the prince from thinking about unhappiness or leaving home, King
Suddhodana built a pleasure palace for Siddhartha and Yasodhara. Dancers and
singers were asked to entertain them, and only healthy and young people were
allowed into the palace and the palace garden. The king did not want Siddhartha
to know that everybody gets sick, grows old and will die. But in spite of the king’s
efforts, the prince was not happy. He wanted to know what life was like for people
who lived outside the palace walls.

�� ��

��. T�� � ������: ��� ���

16. Finally, the king allowed Siddhartha to go on short visits to the nearby towns.
He went with his a�endant, Channa. On his first visit Siddhartha saw a white
haired, wrinkled man dressed in rags. Such a sight surprised him, as he had never
seen anyone old before. Channa explained to him that this man was old and that
everyone will be old one day. Siddhartha felt frightened by that and asked Channa
to take him back home. At night, he could not sleep and he kept on thinking about
old age.

�� ��

��. T�� � ������: ��������

17. Although Siddhartha felt frightened by the vision of ge�ing old, he wanted to see
more of the world outside. On his next visit, he saw a man lying on the ground and
moaning. Out of compassion, he rushed over to the man. Channa warned him that
the man was sick and that everyone, even noble people like Siddhartha or the king
could get sick.

�� ��

��. T�� � ������: �����

18. On the third visit, Siddhartha and Channa saw four men carrying another man
on a stretcher. Channa told Siddhartha that the man was dead and was going to
be cremated. He also said that no one can escape death, and told the prince that
everyone will die one day. When they returned to the palace, Siddhartha kept on
thinking about what he had seen. Finally, he made a strong decision to find a way
out of the suffering of old age, sickness and death.

�� ��

��. T�� � ������: � ����

19. Some time later, while the prince was riding in the garden, he saw a man in a
yellow robe. He noticed that the man looked very peaceful and happy. Channa ex-
plained to him that the man was a monk. The monk had le� his family and given
up his desire for pleasures to search for freedom from worldly suffering. The prince
felt inspired by the sight of the monk and began to want to leave home to search
for freedom in the same way. That day, his wife gave birth to a lovely baby boy. But
Siddhartha could not rejoice, although he loved the boy, because he wanted to become
a monk, and he realised that now it would be more difficult for him to leave home.

�� ��

��. T������ ���� ���� ��� �������

20. From the day when he decided that he wanted to leave the palace the prince
lost all interest in watching the dancing girls and other such pleasures. He kept on
thinking instead about how to free himself and others from sickness, ageing and
death. Finally, he decided he had to leave the palace and his family and become a
homeless monk, in order to understand life and what caused suffering.

�� ��

��. S�����R��� ������ ����

21. One night, when everyone in the palace was asleep, Siddhartha asked Channa
to prepare his horse, Kanthaka. In the meantime he went into the room where
Yasodhara and their newborn boy Rahula slept. He was filled with loving-kindness
towards them and promised himself that he would come back to see them. But first
he had to understand why all creatures suffer, and find out how they could escape
from suffering.

�� ��

��. A ���� ���� �� K�����������

22. In the silence of the night, Prince Siddhartha mounted Kanthaka. Accompanied
by Channa, he le� the palace and the city of Kapilava�hu. They stopped at a river
some distance from the city and the prince took off his expensive dress and put on
the robes of a monk. Then he told Channa to take the horse back to the palace. At
first, both Channa and Kanthaka refused to go back, but Siddhartha insisted that he
had to go on alone. With tears rolling down his face, Kanthaka watched as the prince
walked out of sight.

�� ��

��. L����� �� � ����

23. So, at the age of 29, Siddhartha began the homeless life of a monk. From
Kapilava�hu, he walked south to the city of Rajagaha, the capital of the Magadha
country. The king of this country was named Bimbisara. The morning a�er Siddhartha
arrived, he went to the city and obtained his meal for the day by begging.

�� ��

��. C��������� ��� �� ������� ����

24. A�er his meal, Siddhartha decided to go to the mountains where many hermits
and sages lived. On the way there, he came across a flock of sheep. Shepherds were
driving the herd to Rajagaha to be sacrificed in a fire ceremony. One li�le lamb
was injured. Out of compassion Siddhartha picked up the lamb and followed the
shepherds back to the city.

�� ��

��. S������� �� ������ ���������

25. In the city, the fire was burning on the altar, and King Bimbisara and a group of
priests were chanting hymns. They all worshipped fire. When the leader of the fire-
worshippers li�ed his sword to kill the first sheep, Siddhartha quickly stopped him.
He asked the king not to let the worshippers destroy the lives of the poor animals.
Then Siddhartha turned to the worshippers and told them: “Life is extremely
precious. All living creatures want to live, just like people.”

�� ��

��. W������ ���� ��������� ����� ��� ���� ������

26. He continued: “If people expect mercy, they should show mercy. By the law of
cause and effect (karma), those who kill others will, in turn, be killed. If we expect
happiness in the future, we must not harm any creatures. Whoever sows suffering
will reap the same fruits.” This speech completely changed the king’s mind, and
the minds of the fire-worshippers. He stopped the killing ceremony and invited
Siddhartha to stay and teach his people. But Siddhartha declined, as he had not yet
found the truth he was seeking.

�� ��

��. S�����R��� ���� A���� K�����

27. A�er Siddhartha le� Rajagaha, he went to see a sage (wise person) named Alara
Kalama. He stayed with the sage and studied diligently. Soon, he knew as much as
his teacher. But although he had learned how to make his mind very calm, he still
did not know the way to freedom from all suffering. So he thanked Alara Kalama
and le� to find another teacher.

�� ��

��. I� ������ �� ��� �����

28. Siddhartha then studied with a sage named Uddaka Ramapu�a. He learned how
to make his mind very still and empty of all thoughts and emotions. But he still did
not understand the mystery of life and death, and did not find the complete freedom
from suffering that he sought. Again, Siddhartha thanked his teacher and le�. But,
this time, he decided to find the ultimate truth by his own wisdom and effort.

�� ��

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29. In those days, there were many wandering monks who belonged to various
cults. They had le� their families to become ascetics. They believed that by starving
themselves or tormenting their bodies (asceticism) they would be reborn in heaven.
Their belief was that the more they suffered in this life, the more pleasure they would
receive in the future. So some ate extremely li�le food, some stood on one foot for a
long time, and others slept on boards covered with sharp nails.

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30. Siddhartha also tried to become an ascetic. He thought that if he practiced hard
enough, he would become enlightened. So he found a place at Uruvela near a river
and a village, where he could wash and obtain his daily food. There were five other
men living there, and they became his companions. Like Siddhartha, they also
practiced asceticism. Their names were Kondanna, Bhaddiya, Vappa, Mahanama
and Assaji.

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31. Siddhartha practiced various forms of asceticism for six years. He reduced his
eating more and more until he ate nothing at all. He became extremely thin, but
still he did not want to give up such practice. One day, while meditating alone, he
fainted.

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32. At that time, a shepherd boy with a goat walked by. He saw Siddhartha and
realised that without any food Siddhartha would die very soon. So he quickly fed
him some warm goat’s milk. Soon Siddhartha regained consciousness and began
to feel be�er. He realised that without the boy’s help, he would have died before
a�aining enlightenment.

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33. From then on, Siddhartha began eating normally. Soon his health was completely
restored. It was clear to him now that asceticism was not the way to enlightenment.
However, his five friends continued with their ascetic practices. They thought that
Siddhartha had become greedy and so they le� him. One morning, a girl named
Sujata offered Siddhartha some delicious milk-rice porridge and said to him: “May
you be successful in obtaining your wishes!”

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34. On the same day, Siddhartha accepted an offering of straw from a straw-peddler,
made a seat from it and sat down to meditate under a large bodhi tree, facing east.
He made a promise to himself: “I will not give up until I achieve my goal, until I find
a way of freedom from suffering, for myself and all people.”

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35. As he meditated, Siddhartha let go of all outside disturbances, and memories of
pleasures from the past. He let go of all worldly thoughts and turned his mind to
finding the ultimate truth about life. He asked himself: “How does suffering start?
How can one be free from suffering?” At first many distracting images appeared in
his mind. But finally his mind became very calm, like a pond of still water. In the
calm of deep meditation, Siddhartha concentrated on how his own life had started.

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36. First, Siddhartha remembered his previous lives. Next, he saw how beings are
reborn according to the law of cause and effect, or karma. He saw that good deeds
lead away from suffering to peace and happiness and that bad deeds lead to more
suffering. Then he saw that the origin of suffering is being greedy, which arises
from thinking that we are more important than everybody else. Finally, he became
completely free from thinking in this way. This freedom is called nirvana. So, at the
age of 35, Siddhartha became the Buddha, the Supreme Enlightened One.

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37. A�er a�aining the supreme enlightenment, the Buddha remained si�ing in
the happiness of nirvana for several days. Later, a Brahmin, an upper caste man,
came by the tree where the Buddha sat. He greeted the Buddha and asked: “What
qualities does one have to have to be a true Brahmin and a noble person?” The
Buddha replied: “The true Brahmin must give up all evil. He must give up all
conceit, pursue understanding and practice pure living. This way he will deserve to
be called a Brahmin.”

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��. T�� B����� ������� �� �����

38. A�er a long rest, the Buddha began to plan what to do in the future. He thought:
“Although the Dharma (teaching) is deep and will be difficult for most people to
understand, there are some who only have a li�le craving. Such people may be
able to accept the Dharma. They are like the lotuses that extend their stalks from
the bo�om of the pond up in the air, to receive sunshine. So I should not hold this
radiant truth a secret. I should make it known everywhere, so that all people can
benefit from it.”

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39. Then the Buddha thought: “Who should I teach first? The person must be
interested in the Dharma and quick to understand it.” First he thought of his old
teachers, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramapu�a. But they had both died. Then he
remembered his five ascetic friends, Kondanna, Bhaddiya, Vappa, Mahanama and
Assaji. When he found out that they were living at Sarnath, near Varanasi, he le�
soon a�erwards to find them.

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40. At Sarnath, when the five ascetics saw the Buddha coming, they decided not even
to greet him or talk to him. They still thought that he was greedy and had given up
his search for truth. But as he got closer, they realised that he was surrounded by a
brilliant light and looked very noble. They were so astonished that they forgot about
their previous decision. They greeted him, offered him some water and quickly
prepared a seat.

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��. T�� B����� ��������� ��� ����������

41. A�er si�ing down, the Buddha told them: “Monks! I have realised the truth of
the end of suffering (nirvana), and the way to end suffering. If you learn and practice
it, you will soon become enlightened. You must take responsibility for working to
understand these things.” At first, the five monks doubted his words and asked him
many questions. But finally they began to trust him and wanted to hear his teaching.
And so the Buddha gave his first teaching to the five monks at Sarnath.

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42. The Buddha taught them the Four Noble Truths. The first Noble Truth wa

Sociology homework help

Students write an essay or “primary assignment” each week on a different topic. Keep in mind:

· The 3+1 Rule is mandatory and so be sure to familiarize yourself with it.

· Organization should follow this format:

1. Introduction that summarizes what will be discussed and provides a thesis statement.

2. The body of the essay. It should be multi-paragraph. Each paragraph should discuss one aspect that supports the thesis statement.

3. Conclusion that summarizes what was discussed.

4. References in APA.

5. In-text citations are also required.

I will provide the 4 required readings either in a different document or in the question itself.

Sociology homework help

8/20/2016

Why well-off black families end up living in poorer
areasthan white families with similar or even lower incomes.

nytimes.com /2016/08/21/us/milwaukee-segregation-wealthy-black-families.html

MILWAUKEE — Their daughter was sick and they needed family around to help care for her, so JoAnne and
Maanaan Sabir took an unexpected detour.

They had spent years blowing past mileposts: earning advanced degrees and six-figure incomes, buying a 2,500-
square-foot Victorian with hardwood floors. Yet here they were, both 37, moving to a corner of town pocked by
empty lots, cramming into an apartment above Ms. Sabir’s mother, in the very duplex that Ms. Sabir’s grandparents
had bought six decades earlier.

Their new dwelling was in a part of the Lindsay Heights neighborhood where more than one in three families lives in
poverty; gunshots were too often a part of the nighttime soundtrack. They planned to leave once their daughter,
Ameera, was healthy.

But then, reminding them of why they feel at home in communities like this one, their new neighbors started
frequently checking on Ameera: Is she doing O.K.? And on their son, Taj: When’s his next basketball game? Mr.
Sabir’s car stalled in the middle of the street one night, and it was the young men too often stereotyped as
suspicious who helped him push it home. So many welcoming black faces like their own, they thought.

“It felt like that’s where we should be,” Ms. Sabir said.

Now, two years later, Ameera, 14, is healthy. And the Sabirs have not left. They have, in fact, only strengthened their
resolve to stay after a fatal police shooting last weekend led to fiery unrest that was also fueled by frustrations over
race and segregation. Rooted where they are, the Sabirs point to a broad yet little explored fact of American
segregation: Affluent black families, freed from the restrictions of low income, often end up living in poor and

1/8

segregated communities anyway.

It is a national phenomenon challenging the popular assumption that segregation is more about class than about
race, that when black families earn more money, some ideal of post-racial integration will inevitably be reached.

In fact, a New York Times analysis of 2014 census figures shows that income alone cannot explain, nor would it
likely end, the segregation that has defined American cities and suburbs for generations.

The choices that black families make today are inevitably constrained by a legacy of racism that prevented their
ancestors from buying quality housing and then passing down wealth that might have allowed today’s generation to
move into more stable communities. And even when black households try to cross color boundaries, they are not
always met with open arms: Studies have shown that white people prefer to live in communities where there are
fewer black people, regardless of their income.

The result: Nationally, black and white families of similar incomes still live in separate worlds.

In many of America’s largest metropolitan areas, including New York, Chicago and Los Angeles, black families
making $100,000 or more are more likely to live in poorer neighborhoods than even white households making less
than $25,000. This is particularly true in areas with a long history of residential segregation, like metropolitan
Milwaukee.

In one neighborhood on Milwaukee’s predominantly black north side, that means the appearance of a new 4,000-
square-foot home owned by a black energy executive and her husband, who host political fund-raisers with valet
parking. Nearby, a financial adviser and his wife are stuck in the starter home they bought about 10 years ago,
because it lost value and they couldn’t sell it. Up the street, there’s an engineer, living with her family, who said she
stayed in the city for its amenities and to send the message, “We didn’t want to run away.”

The Sabirs share that mix of civic-minded motivation, and limitations. They are successful small-business owners
with college degrees, yet even their choices have been circumscribed. The Victorian home they bought a decade
ago, which they are now renting out, is in a majority black neighborhood where poverty has increased, damaging
their investment. Their current neighborhood, where the duplex is, has a median household income of just $34,000
a year, or around $20,000 less than what’s typical for the region.

It’s one of many ways that living around people whom they best relate to means wrestling day and night with the
cumulative effects of racism.

Decades of Hostility

The burning cars and buildings, the people throwing rocks and bottles at police officers in riot gear — it was all
happening last Saturday as Maanaan and JoAnne Sabir were settling in for the night just a few miles down the road.

The 23-year-old man who had been shot by a black officer had ignored orders to drop a gun as he fled on foot after
being pulled over in his car, the police said.

As his wife flicked through accounts of the raucous uprising on social media, Mr. Sabir could not help but think that
the public response was years in the making. It was Milwaukee’s — America’s — history and maintenance of racist
policies, through housing discrimination, divestment of black communities, and policing, all coming to a head.

“You’re asking us to do the impossible, which is to tolerate a systemic demoralization of our own livelihood,” Mr.
Sabir said.

Black families in Milwaukee have been confronting hostility for decades. Zeddie Quitman Hyler directly challenged
housing segregation in 1955 when he began laying the foundation for a house on an open patch of land in the white

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western suburb of Wauwatosa.

A postal worker and World War II veteran from rural Mississippi, Mr. Hyler was the first black man to try to build there,
and his efforts were not appreciated. He returned to his construction site one day to find the frame damaged. He
fixed it, but when he came back again, it had burned.

So he enlisted several friends to camp out with him at the construction site one evening, rifles in hand, ready to turn
away intruders. The vandals never returned, and Mr. Hyler finished building his house, which he lived in for nearly
half a century until his death in 2004.

While Mr. Hyler was branching out, Ms. Sabir’s grandparents found themselves falling into the familiar cycle of
segregation. Migrants from the South, they spent about 10 years trying to buy a house at a time when black families
were overtly steered to particular blocks. Eventually, a family member who was a real estate agent worked her
connections, and they landed the duplex on the corner of North 17th Street and North Avenue in the mid-1950s. The
neighborhood was evolving from one that had been flush with synagogues and restaurants selling matzo ball soup.

They were caught in the middle of white flight.

The census tract where Ms. Sabir’s grandparents settled was entirely white in 1950 except for the two people that
the census listed as black and the six listed as “other.” By 1960, however, 2,344 black people called the area home,
accounting for 65 percent of its population.

Within a few years, Milwaukee’s economy would start tanking. Tens of thousands of manufacturing jobs in the city
were eliminated. Property values fell, while housing policies made it nearly impossible for black families to obtain
loans and move to the suburbs, where many jobs were being relocated.

That same pattern of redlining, in which banks choke off lending to minorities and minority communities, has shaped
New York, Chicago and other cities, but the impact in Milwaukee proved especially severe, in part because black
migrants began arriving in droves just as the economic structure that was supposed to buoy them was
disappearing. The shifts ensured that no enclave for affluent black people was ever developed here.

Black residents and leaders tried to fight back. In 1962, Vel Phillips, the city’s first black alderwoman, proposed a fair
housing ordinance. Her colleagues voted unanimously against it four times in the 1960s.

Activists took to the streets in the summer of 1967 for 200 consecutive days of fair housing protests, and were
sometimes greeted with racial slurs, eggs and rocks as they crossed the Menomonee River, via the 16th Street
Viaduct, into the white South Side.

The Common Council eventually ratified a fair housing law in 1968, weeks after the federal government passed its
landmark measure.

The racial dividing lines were already drawn, however, and barriers to black upward mobility remained. Even the
neighborhood where the baseball slugger Hank Aaron moved in the late 1950s could not avoid a downward spiral.
While the black population in the Rufus King area grew from 0.4 percent in 1960 to 89 percent in 1980, its median
home value dropped from 9 percent above the city’s median to 23 percent below it, according to “Milwaukee: City of
Neighborhoods,” a book by John Gurda.

Those historic dynamics of race and housing have not disappeared, either. As recently as 2006, a city government
report found that affluent, nonwhite Milwaukeeans were 2.7 times likelier to be denied home loans than white people
with similar incomes.

Many black people here still view the suburbs as hostile toward them. Just six years ago, the New Berlin mayor’s
initial support for an affordable housing project in the nearly 93 percent white suburb was met with threats, including

3/8

a sign in his yard that read, “nigger lover.”

New Berlin blocked the housing development, and was sued by the federal government, which accused the city of
racial bias.

Few people around here are surprised, then, that only 11.1 percent of African-Americans in the region live in the
suburbs, the lowest rate of black suburbanization among the 50 largest metropolitan areas in the country, according
to a soon-to-be released study by Marc V. Levine, a professor at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.

Milwaukee itself, which is nearly two-thirds nonwhite, has never elected a black mayor. As for Wauwatosa, the
suburb that Mr. Hyler changed a generation ago, it is still 90 percent white.

Where to Feel at Home?

The Sabirs are trying to help their children maneuver through this complicated racial landscape.

Taj and Ameera go to a Catholic private school in Milwaukee where most of the students are white, but return to a
Muslim household in a neighborhood where most people look like them. Both environments present difficulties.

At school, the Sabir children have heard a teacher play down slavery, and classmates stereotype black
neighborhoods as bad and drug infested. On their block, where the sidewalks are cracked and some empty lots
have been turned into gardens, they occasionally see drugs and fights.

They often find their worldviews out of sync with those around them. When Taj was visiting a white classmate in
Wauwatosa in May, the friend wanted to go outside to play with Nerf guns. But Taj recalled the police killing another
black boy with a toy gun — 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Cleveland — and said that he had to be cautious about what
he did outside. The police did not always have his best interests at heart, Taj explained, prompting his friend’s
mother to respond that the police were good.

It’s at times like those when JoAnne and Maanaan Sabir are happy that their children can come home, see the
nuance of the black struggle and work to change it — as when Ameera helped petition to prevent a liquor store from
opening in the neighborhood. Or when the children volunteer at a food bank down the block.

4/8

Children awaiting the arrival of a Salvation Army food truck, which passes through with ham
sandwiches, fruit and milk. Ruddy Roye for The New York Times

A man who gave his name as Lafi, with a group of his friends on 17th Street. He said he had tried out
for parts in a few movies, but most of his life has been spent on the stoop and picking up his three
children in the afternoon. Ruddy Roye for The New York Times

Still, their parents can’t help but flirt with the possibilities of another life. That’s what they were doing one evening in
late June as they cruised through the plush suburbs, partaking in a semiregular ritual of soaking in the Lake
Michigan mansions and manicured lawns and wondering about life there. They rolled past children riding their
bicycles alone at around 9 p.m., and Ms. Sabir marveled that they could do that.

She thought back to when Taj, 12, had confronted her a few days earlier. He had asked for permission to ride his
eight-speed bike around the block. Ms. Sabir could not go out to supervise him, so she said no.

“Are you finally going to admit that we live in a dangerous community?” he said.

Ms. Sabir pondered the question. She is trained for these moments, with a bachelor’s degree in psychology and a
master’s in administrative social work, but she struggled. “We have challenges like every other community has
challenges,” she told him, adding, “You’re going to have to figure out the best way to negotiate those challenges.”

A Sense of Otherness

5/8

X’antony Brookens, seated, with his wife, Latisha Spence-Brookens and their children, X’antony Jr.,
above right, and Zaria, at their home in Milwaukee’s North Side. Ruddy Roye for The New York Times

Managing sometimes means moving on. And in Milwaukee’s circle of affluent black professionals, that sometimes
means decamping for majority white areas in the city or the suburbs.

That’s where Latisha Spence-Brookens and X’antony Brookens Sr. found themselves five years ago after their
North Milwaukee neighborhood rapidly deteriorated during the housing crash.

They rolled into their new bungalow-style rental house in the village of Whitefish Bay, a suburb perched on Lake
Michigan with a population so white (90 percent) that it has earned the moniker Whitefolks Bay. And then they
looked around in amazement. People were walking. Everywhere.

Some strolled past the two-story homes with red, white and blue bunting on the balconies. Others strolled along the
main thoroughfare with a Starbucks, a sidewalk cafe, a store selling handblown glass, and a supermarket featuring
live lobster, a full-service florist and Champagne caper vinaigrette.

The Milwaukee neighborhood they had left behind, which was nearly 93 percent black, wasn’t much for this kind of
leisure. After they bought a two-bedroom home in 2008 for $98,000, the effects of the housing market collapse
spread through the area. Homes were abandoned. Crime took over.

Their son, X’antony Jr., now 18, was walking home one afternoon, toting a plastic Walmart bag with a Barbie he had
just bought for his little sister, Zaria, when a man approached him with a large rock in his hand.

“Give me all your money or I’m going to bash your head in with this rock,” the man told him.

X’antony Jr. hesitated.

“I didn’t know what to do,” he recalled. “This was my first time being robbed.”

So he offered $5 to the robber, who took it and let X’antony Jr. keep the Barbie.

For X’antony Sr., 48, the last straw came when a neighbor was held up at gunpoint as she came home with her two
toddlers. It was too dangerous to stay, he thought.

6/8

Their home value had plummeted by some 75 percent by then. They had no equity to buy up. So they walked away
from the mortgage and rented a house in Whitefish Bay for $1,450 a month, nearly one and a half times what they
had been paying for the home they owned.

But finally, they thought, Zaria could ride her bicycle freely. X’antony Jr. could enroll in a high-performing school
district.

Over the years, the Brookenses genuinely enjoyed their time in Whitefish Bay. Ms. Spence-Brookens, 39, worked as
a college administrator and Mr. Brookens as a job counselor for food stamp recipients, and they sometimes would
make it a point to get home early from work so they could spend time in the community. But it was hard to shake that
feeling of otherness — especially for X’antony Sr.

About a week after the family moved there, a police officer pulled him over as he rolled up in his red 1994
Mercedes-Benz to the family’s modest clapboard.

He was pulled over, the officer said, because of the plastic cover over his license plate. Back in his old
neighborhood, Mr. Brookens said, people often stole license plates, so the cover was for security. Here it was illegal,
the officer told him. He let Mr. Brookens off with a warning, but not before asking if he lived around there.

“Yeah, this is my house right here,” Mr. Brookens told him.

The stops were a routine occurrence early on — about once a week for a month and a half, Mr. Brookens said. He
called it getting registered.

“They’re going to keep doing that until they become comfortable with who you are and why you’re here,” said Mr.
Brookens, more resigned than angry.

He had more disgust, however, when he took Zaria around the block on her bicycle and a mother rushed her white
children inside as they approached.

Mr. Brookens and his wife also worried about Zaria’s sense of self. She always wanted to straighten her hair. She
once bawled when her hair got wet in the bathtub and became frizzy. Zaria’s school friends called her their black
friend. Her musical tastes gravitated toward Justin Bieber and Taylor Swift.

“I thought she was getting lost,” Mr. Brookens said.

That was not necessarily in the front of the Brookenses’ minds when, two years ago, a friend asked them to rent her
cream-colored brick home in Milwaukee. It was surrounded by quiet bungalows and curved streets. It was bigger
than their Whitefish Bay rental, and the rent was $350 cheaper.

They thought of how the savings would allow them to do more of the things they like, such as travel. Although the
house was in a neighborhood with a poverty rate 12 times higher and a median home value about one-third of that
in their suburban neighborhood, they saw it as a place they could call home.

So they returned to Milwaukee, to a different black neighborhood, joining the cluster of families like their own on the
city’s north side.

Some of the old challenges re-emerged.

About a month after moving there in 2014, Mr. Brookens forgot to lock his car door, and his charger and computer
hard drive were stolen.

Still, like many black families who have made similar choices, they say they feel more comfortable. Zaria, who

7/8

recently turned 9, relishes seeing more children at school who look like her, and has come to embrace her
blackness, going so far as to get dreadlocks. X’antony Jr. has spent the summer working for an activist organization.

The Brookenses now interact more frequently with their neighbors. They host cookouts regularly in their backyard,
and they have decorated their shelves with plaques reminding them: “Hope is believing” and “Faith is endless.”

Faith in the Neighborhood

Hope and faith, and determination, drive the Sabirs, too.

That’s what brought JoAnne Sabir’s ancestors up here from Tennessee and Arkansas. It’s why Mr. Sabir, a fourth-
degree black belt in karate, is constantly pushing to help the young men he sees roaming the streets — “You got that
résumé?” he asks — and it’s why the family is staking its business interests just a block from their apartment.

They bet on the neighborhood by opening the Juice Kitchen in October. They both work there, often rising before 6
a.m., because they want to be a beacon of black success and help prevent drugs, alcohol and poverty from
consuming the community.

Last Tuesday morning, after a weekend of destructive protests, Ms. Sabir posted a message on the cafe’s Facebook
page, encouraging a collective black uplift.

“Strategically placed on North 17th Street,” she wrote. “Strategically available to love and nurture.”

A few hours later, she herded her children into her black sport-utility vehicle and slowly rolled past the remnants of
the two nights of clashes between protesters and the police. Past the BP gas station, melted into an ashy heap. “It’s
horrible,” Taj said. Past the people barbecuing on a grassy knoll. “That’s the young man’s brother over there that
was killed,” Ms. Sabir said. Past a boarded-up bank. “They broke in this bank and then set it on fire,” she said.

“My initial thought,” Ms. Sabir told her children, “was that on this evening, all these young people were so powerful.”
But imagine, she added, if they could channel that anger in a positive direction, “if we took that power and that
energy and put it toward our greater good.”

Everyone in the car fell silent.

Focusing on the bigger picture can be difficult.

The following evening, on Wednesday night, as Mr. Sabir reclined on his front stoop, he shook his head as car after
car whizzed through red lights at the corner. He mentioned a man from the neighborhood who was left in a
vegetative state when an S.U.V. plowed into his car a few weeks earlier. “It aches,” Mr. Sabir said.

He rolled his eyes when a car pulled up to a house across the street at about 10:30 p.m. and started honking loudly.
“Every night,” Mr. Sabir said.

And he just looked away when a man strolling in front of his house ditched a knife behind a parked car, only to be
confronted by two police officers, with Tasers drawn, who arrested him. “Mass incarceration,” Mr. Sabir said.

But just as it seemed that the burdens of living here were converging, Mr. Sabir’s phone buzzed with a reminder of
why it was all worth it. The alderman representing the area where most of the past week’s vandalism had occurred
wrote that his battered neighborhood could really use a Juice Kitchen.

“Help us,” the alderman wrote, “be the Phoenix that rises from the ashes.”

8/8

  • Why well-off black families end up living in poorer areasthan white families with similar or even lower incomes.
    • Decades of Hostility
    • Where to Feel at Home?
    • A Sense of Otherness
    • Faith in the Neighborhood

Sociology homework help

Week 4 dq1 response 3 449

Professor and class,

Throughout the video Anna expresses her frustration in feeling like an outsider to Jackie’s family both verbally and non-verbally. Boundaries within family systems theory are lines that identify people as being within the system or outside of the system. Because Jackie is unwilling to have a conversation with her parents about her and Anna’s relationship, this leaves Anna as an outsider to Jackie’s family system. Homeostasis within a family is what is used to maintain stability within the system, and feedback loops are interactions within the family that influence the members of the family. In the video Jackie expresses that her family does not make a big deal out of things and this can be seen as keeping the family neutral and stable. Feedback loops can be seen within Jackie’s family in her unwillingness to fully talk about her sexuality and also how her parents avoid acknowledging or talking about it. These behaviors keep the family stable and unchanged, avoiding situations that could make the members uncomfortable or have to share and feel more than they’re willing to. In the video it was clear that Jackie’s parents were the decision makers and held the power in Jackie’s life. Jackie is afraid to open up to her parents in fear of them disowning her and shutting her out of their family system.

Amanda

References:

· Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). Assessing Family Functioning in Diverse Family and Cultural Contexts. Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning.

Sociology homework help

bac48559_fm_i-xviii.indd i 05/22/19 12:24 PM

GENDER THROUGH THE PRISM OF DIFFERENCE

bac48559_fm_i-xviii.indd ii 05/22/19 12:24 PM

bac48559_fm_i-xviii.indd iii 05/22/19 12:24 PM

GENDER THROUGH
THE PRISM OF
DIFFERENCE

S I X T H E D I T I O N

e d i t e d b y

N E W Y O R K O X F O R D

O X F O R D U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S

Maxine Baca Zinn
m i c h i g a n s t a t e u n i v e r s i t y

Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo
u n i v e r s i t y o f s o u t h e r n c a l i f o r n i a

Michael A. Messner
u n i v e r s i t y o f s o u t h e r n c a l i f o r n i a

Stephanie J. Nawyn
m i c h i g a n s t a t e u n i v e r s i t y

bac48559_fm_i-xviii.indd iv 05/22/19 12:24 PM

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Zinn, Maxine Baca, 1942– editor. | Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette,
editor. | Messner, Michael A., editor. | Nawyn, Stephanie J., editor.
Title: Gender through the prism of difference / edited by Maxine Baca Zinn,
Michigan State University, Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, University of
Southern California, Michael A. Messner, University of Southern,
California, Stephanie J. Nawyn, Michigan State University.
Description: Sixth Edition. | New York : Oxford University Press, [2019] |
Revised edition of Gender through the prism of difference, [2016] |
Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019009447| ISBN 9780190948559 (pbk.) | ISBN 9780190948566
(e-book)
Subjects:  LCSH: Sex role.
Classification: LCC HQ1075 .G4666 2019 | DDC 305.3—dc23 LC record available at
https://lccn.loc.gov/2019009447

Printing number: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by LSC Communications, Inc., United States of America

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W e d e d i c a t e t h i s e d i t i o n t o A m y D e n i s s e n , w h o s e l e g a c y
c o n t i n u e s t h r o u g h h e r s c h o l a r s h i p a n d t h e l o v e o f h e r

f a m i l y   a n d f r i e n d s .

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v i i

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p r e f a c e x i i i
a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s x v
i n t r o d u c t i o n : Sex and Gender through the Prism of Difference 1

*Denotes a reading new to this edition.

PA R T I P E R S P E C T I V E S O N S E X , G E N D E R , A N D D I F F E R E N C E 13

1. Anne Fausto-Sterling, The Five Sexes,
Revisited 1 7

2. Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton
Dill, Theorizing Difference from Multiracial
Feminism 2 2

*3. Stephanie A. Shields, Gender: An Intersectionality
Perspective 2 9

4. Raewyn W. Connell, Masculinities and
Globalization 3 7

*5. Bandana Purkayastha, Intersectionality in a
Transnational World 50

PA R T I I B O D I E S 57

6. Laurel Westbrook and Kristen Schilt, Doing Gender,
Determining Gender: Transgender People, Gender
Panics, and the Maintenance of the Sex/Gender/
Sexuality System 61

*7. Georgiann Davis, Medical Jurisdiction
and the Intersex Body 7 7

CONTENTS

v i i i

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c o n t e n t s

8. Betsy Lucal, What It Means to Be Gendered Me: Life
on the Boundaries of a Dichotomous Gender
System 9 2

9. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Yearning for Lightness:
Transnational Circuits in the Marketing and
Consumption of Skin Lighteners 102

*10 . Heidi Safia Mirza, “A Second Skin”: Embodied
Intersectionality, Transnationalism, and
Narratives of Identity and Belonging among
Muslim Women in Britain 11 7

PA R T I I I . S E X U A L I T I E S A N D D E S I R E S 131

11. Rashawn Ray and Jason A. Rosow, Getting Off and
Getting Intimate: How Normative Institutional
Arrangements Structure Black and White Fraternity
Men’s Approaches toward Women 1 3 3

*12. Karen Pyke, An Intersectional Approach to Resistance
and Complicity: The Case of Racialised Desire
among Asian American Women 1 50

13. Jane Ward, Dude-Sex: White Masculinities and
“Authentic” Heterosexuality among Dudes Who
Have Sex with Dudes 1 6 0

*14. Hector Carrillo and Jorge Fontdevila, Border
Crossings and Shifting Sexualities among
Mexican Gay Immigrant Men: Beyond Monolithic
Conceptions 1 7 2

15. Kirsty Liddiard, The Work of Disabled Identities in
Intimate Relationships 1 8 4

PA R T I V. I D E N T I T I E S 193

16. B. Deutsch, The Male Privilege Checklist: An
Unabashed Imitation of an Article by Peggy
McIntosh 1 9 5

17. Audre Lorde, Age, Race, Class, and Sex: Women
Redefining Difference 1 9 8

18. Tristan Bridges and C. J. Pascoe, Hybrid Masculinities:
New Directions in the Sociology of Men and
Masculinities 20 4

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Contents

19. Sanyu A. Mojola, Providing Women, Kept Men: Doing
Masculinity in the Wake of the African HIV/AIDS
Pandemic 21 7

*20. Joelle Ruby Ryan, From Transgender to Trans*: The
Ongoing Struggle for Inclusion, Acceptance, and
Celebration of Identities beyond the Binary 2 31

*21. Aída Hurtado and Minal Sinha, More Than Men: Latino
Feminist Masculinities and Intersectionality 2 41

PA R T V. F A M I L I E S 253

22 Patricia Hill Collins, The Meaning of Motherhood
in Black Culture and Black Mother–Daughter
Relationships 2 5 7

23. Lisa J. Udel, Revision and Resistance: The Politics of
Native Women’s Motherwork 2 6 8

*24. Roberta Espinoza, The Good Daughter Dilemma:
Latinas Managing Family and School Demands 2 8 2

25. Stephanie Coontz, Why Gender Equality Stalled 2 9 2
26. Michael A. Messner and Suzel Bozada-Deas, Separating

the Men from the Moms: The Making of Adult
Gender Segregation in Youth Sports 2 9 6

27. Kathryn Edin, What Do Low-Income Single Mothers
Say about Marriage? 310

*28. Nicole Civettini, Housework as Non-Normative Gender
Display among Lesbians and Gay Men 3 2 8

*29. Emir Estrada and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo,
Intersectional Dignities: Latino Immigrant Street
Vendor Youth in Los Angeles 3 4 4

PA R T V I . C O N S T R U C T I N G G E N D E R I N T H E W O R K P L A C E A N D
T H E L A B O R M A R K E T 361

30. Christine L. Williams, The Glass Escalator, Revisited:
Gender Inequality in Neoliberal Times, SWS
Feminist Lecturer 3 6 5

31. Amy M. Denissen and Abigail C. Saguy, Gendered
Homophobia and the Contradictions of Workplace
Discrimination for Women in the Building
Trades 3 7 8

x

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c o n t e n t s

32. Adia Harvey Wingfield, The Modern Mammy and the
Angry Black Man: African American Professionals’
Experiences with Gendered Racism in the
Workplace 3 9 0

33. Miliann Kang, “I Just Put Koreans and
Nails Together”: Nail Spas and the Model
Minority 4 01

*34. Rebecca Glauber, Race and Gender in Families and at
Work: The Fatherhood Wage Premium 41 5

*35. Stephanie J. Nawyn and Linda Gjokaj, The Magnifying
Effect of Privilege: Earnings Inequalities at the
Intersection of Gender, Race, and Nativity 4 2 8

PA R T V I I . E D U C AT I O N A N D S C H O O L S 443

36. Ann Arnett Ferguson, Naughty by Nature 4 4 5
*37. Elizabeth A. Armstrong, Laura T. Hamilton, and

Elizabeth M. Armstrong, and J. Lotus Seeley, Good
Girls: Gender, Social Class, and Slut Discourse on
Campus 4 5 3

*38. Dolores Delgado Bernal, Learning and Living
Pedagogies of the Home: The Mestiza
Consciousness of Chicana Students 4 6 9

PA R T V I I I . V I O L E N C E 483

39. Cecilia Menjívar, A Framework for Examining
Violence 4 8 5

40. Victor M. Rios, The Consequences of the
Criminal Justice Pipeline on Black and Latino
Masculinity 501

*41. Natalie J. Sokoloff and Susan C. Pearce, Intersections,
Immigration, and Partner Violence: A View from a
New Gateway—Baltimore, Maryland 50 9

*42. Roe Bubar and Pamela Jumper Thurman, Violence
against Native Women 51 8

PA R T I X . C H A N G E A N D P O L I T I C S 531

43. Kevin Powell, Confessions of a Recovering
Misogynist 5 3 3

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Contents

44. Dorothy Roberts and Sujatha Jesudason, Movement
Intersectionality: The Case of Race, Gender,
Disability, and Genetic Technologies 5 3 8

*45. Maylei Blackwell, Líderes Campesinas: Nepantla
Strategies and Grassroots Organizing at the
Intersection of Gender and Globalization 5 51

*46. Sarah Jaffe, The Collective Power of #MeToo 5 7 3

g l o s s a r y 5 7 9
r e f e r e n c e s 5 8 5

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x i i i

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PREFACE

Over the past forty years, texts and readers intended for use in women’s studies and gender studies courses have changed and developed in important ways. In the 1970s
and into the early 1980s, many courses and texts focused almost exclusively on women as a
relatively undifferentiated category. Two developments have broadened the study of women.
First, in response to criticisms by women of color and by lesbians that heterosexual, white,
middle-class feminists had tended to “falsely universalize” their own experiences and issues,
courses and texts on gender began in the 1980s to systematically incorporate race and class
diversity. And simultaneously, as a result of feminist scholars’ insistence that gender be stud-
ied as a relational construct, more concrete studies of men and masculinity began to emerge
in the 1980s.

This book reflects this belief that race, class, and sexual diversity among women and
men should be central to the study of gender. But this collection adds an important new
dimension that will broaden the frame of gender studies. By including some articles that
are based on research in nations connected to the United States through globalization,
tourism, and labor migrations, we hope that Gender through the Prism of Difference will
contribute to a transcendence of the often myopic, US-based, and Eurocentric focus on
the study of sex and gender. The inclusion of these perspectives is not simply useful for
illuminating our own cultural blind spots; it also begins to demonstrate how, early in the
twenty-first century, gender relations are increasingly centrally implicated in current pro-
cesses of globalization.

N E W T O T H I S E D I T I O N

Because the amount of high-quality research on gender has expanded so dramatically in
the past decade, the most difficult task in assembling this collection was deciding what to
include. The sixth edition, while retaining the structure of the previous edition, is different
and improved. This edition includes nineteen new articles and discusses material on gender

x i v

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p r e f a c e

issues relevant to the college-age generation, including several articles on college students as
well as the contemporary #MeToo social movement. We have also included articles on trans-
gender identities and public policies, additional chapters on Native and Muslim women,
policing and incarceration, the intersection of gender and immigration, and gender and dis-
abilities. Our focus for selecting chapters is to include readings that cover important topics
that are most accessible for students, while keeping the cost of the volume down.

x v

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We thank faculty and staff colleagues in the Department of Sociology and the Gender Studies program at the University of Southern California, and the Department of So-
ciology and the Center for Gender in Global Context at Michigan State University for their
generous support and assistance. Other people contributed their labor to the development of
this book. We are grateful to Amy Holzgang, Cerritos College; Lauren McDonald, California
State University Northridge; and Linda Shaw, California State University San Marcos, for their
invaluable feedback and advice. We thank Heidi R. Lewis of Colorado College for her contri-
butions to the book’s ancillary program, available at www.oup-arc.com/bacazinn.

We acknowledge the helpful criticism and suggestions made by the following reviewers:

Erin K. Anderson, Washington College
Kathleen Cole, Metropolitan State University
Ted Coleman, California State University, San Bernardino
Keri Diggins, Scottsdale Community College
Emily Gaarder, University of Minnesota, Duluth
Robert B. Jenkot, Coastal Carolina University
Amanda Miller, University of Indianapolis
Carla Norris-Raynbird, Bemidji State University
Katie R. Peel, University of North Carolina Wilmington
Jaita Talukdar, Loyola University New Orleans
Billy James Ulibarrí, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley
Kate Webster, DePaul University

We also thank our editor at Oxford University Press, Sherith Pankratz, who has been
encouraging, helpful, and patient, and Grace Li for her assistance throughout the process.
We also thank Tony Mathias and Jennifer Sperber for their marketing assistance with the
book. We also thank Dr. Amy Denissen, whose contributions to the fifth edition of this
book laid invaluable groundwork for the current edition.

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a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s

Finally, we thank our families for their love and support as we worked on this book. Alan
Zinn, Prentice Zinn, Gabrielle Cobbs, and Edan Zinn provide inspiration through their work
for progressive social change. Miles Hondagneu-Messner and Sasha Hondagneu-Messner
continually challenge the neatness of Mike and Pierrette’s image of social life. Richard
Hellinga was always ready to pick up slack on the home front, Henry Nawyn-Hellinga pro-
vided encouraging words at the least expected moments, and Zach Nawyn-Hellinga helped
Stephanie experience firsthand life on the borders of gender. We do hope that the kind of
work that is collected in this book will eventually help them and their generation make
sense of the world and move that world into more peaceful, humane, and just directions.

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GENDER THROUGH THE PRISM OF DIFFERENCE

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1

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INTRODUCTION

s e x a n d g e n d e r t h r o u g h t h e p r i s m o f d i f f e r e n c e

“Men can’t cry.” “Women are victims of patriarchal oppression.” “After divorces, single moth-
ers are downwardly mobile, often moving into poverty.” “Men don’t do their share of house-
work and child care.” “Professional women face barriers such as sexual harassment and a
‘glass ceiling’ that prevent them from competing equally with men for high-status positions
and high salaries.” “Heterosexual intercourse is an expression of men’s power over women.”
Sometimes, the students in our sociology and gender studies courses balk at these kinds of
generalizations. And they are right to do so. After all, some men are more emotionally expres-
sive than some women, some women have more power and success than some men, some
men do their share—or more—of housework and child care, and some women experience sex
with men as both pleasurable and empowering. Indeed, contemporary gender relations are
complex and changing in various directions, and as such, we need to be wary of simplistic, if
handy, slogans that seem to sum up the essence of relations between women and men.

On the other hand, we think it is a tremendous mistake to conclude that “all individuals
are totally unique and different,” and that therefore all generalizations about social groups are
impossible or inherently oppressive. In fact, we are convinced that it is this very complexity,
this multifaceted nature of contemporary gender relations, that fairly begs for a sociological
analysis of gender. In the title of this book, we use the image of “the prism of difference” to
illustrate our approach to developing this sociological perspective on contemporary gender
relations. The American Heritage Dictionary defines “prism,” in part, as “a homogeneous trans-
parent solid, usually with triangular bases and rectangular sides, used to produce or analyze a
continuous spectrum.” Imagine a ray of light—which to the naked eye appears to be only one
color—refracted through a prism onto a white wall. To the eye, the result is not an infinite,
disorganized scatter of individual colors. Rather, the refracted light displays an order, a struc-
ture of relationships among the different colors—a rainbow. Similarly, we propose to use the
prism of difference in this book to analyze a continuous spectrum of people to show how
gender is organized and experienced differently when refracted through the prism of sexual,
racial-ethnic, social class, ability, age, and national citizenship differences.

2

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g e n d e r t h r o u g h t h e p r i s m o f d i f f e r e n c e

e a r ly w o m e n ’ s s t u d i e s : c at e g o r i c a l v i e w s o f “ w o m e n ” a n d “ m e n ”

Taken together, the articles in this book make the case that it is possible to make good
generalizations about women and men. But these generalizations should be drawn care-
fully, by always asking the questions “which women?” and “which men?” Scholars of sex
and gender have not always done this. In the 1960s and 1970s, women’s studies focused
on the differences between women and men rather than among women and men. The very
concept of gender, women’s studies scholars demonstrated, is based on socially defined
difference between women and men. From the macro level of social institutions such
as the economy, politics, and religion to the micro level of interpersonal relations, dis-
tinctions between women and men structure social relations. Making men and women
different from one another is the essence of gender. It is also the basis of men’s power and
domination. Understanding this was profoundly illuminating. Knowing that difference
produced domination enabled women to name, analyze, and set about changing their
victimization.

In the 1970s, riding the wave of a resurgent feminist movement, colleges and universities
began to develop women’s studies courses that aimed first and foremost to make women’s
lives visible. The texts that were developed for these courses tended to stress the things that
women shared under patriarchy—having the responsibility for housework and child care,
the experience or fear of men’s sexual violence, a lack of formal or informal access to educa-
tion, and exclusion from high-status professional and managerial jobs, political office, and
religious leadership positions (Brownmiller 1975; Kanter 1977).

The study of women in society offered new ways of seeing the world. But the 1970s ap-
proach was limited in several ways. Thinking of gender primarily in terms of differences be-
tween women and men led scholars to overgeneralize about both. The concept of patriarchy
led to a dualistic perspective of male privilege and female subordination. Women and men
were cast as opposites. Each was treated as a homogeneous category with common charac-
teristics and experiences. This approach essentialized women and men. Essentialism, simply
put, is the notion that women’s and men’s attributes and indeed women and men them-
selves are categorically different. From this perspective, male control and coercion of women
produced conflict between the sexes. The feminist insight originally introduced by Simone
de Beauvoir in 1953—that women, as a group, had been socially defined as the “other” and
that men had constructed themselves as the subjects of history, while constructing women
as their objects—fueled an energizing sense of togetherness among many women. As col-
lege students read books such as Sisterhood Is Powerful (Morgan 1970), many of them joined
organizations that fought—with some success—for equality and justice for women.

t h e v o i c e s o f “ o t h e r ” w o m e n

Although this view of women as an oppressed “other” was empowering for certain groups of
women, some women began to claim that the feminist view of universal sisterhood ignored
and marginalized their major concerns. It soon became apparent that treating women as
a group united in its victimization by patriarchy was biased by too narrow a focus on the
experiences and perspectives of women from more privileged social groups. “Gender” was

Introduction 3

bac48559_intro_001-012.indd 3 05/16/19 06:30 AM

treated as a generic category, uncritically applied to women. Ironically, this analysis, which
was meant to unify women, instead produced divisions between and among them. The
concerns projected as “universal” were removed from the realities of many women’s lives.
For example, it became a matter of faith in second-wave feminism that women’s liberation
would be accomplished by breaking down the “gendered public-domestic split.” Indeed,
the feminist call for women to move out of the kitchen and into the workplace resonated
in the experiences of many of the college-educated white women who were inspired by
Betty Friedan’s 1963 book, The Feminine Mystique. But the idea that women’s movement
into workplaces was itself empowering or liberating seemed absurd or irrelevant to many
working-class women and women of color. They were already working for wages, as had
many of their mothers and grandmothers, and did not consider access to jobs and public
life “liberating.” For many of these women, liberation had more to do with organizing in
communities and workplaces—often alongside men—for better schools, better pay, decent
benefits, and other policies to benefit their neighborhoods, jobs, and families. The feminism
of the 1970s did not seem to address these issues.

As more and more women analyzed their own experiences, they began to address the
power relations that created differences among women and the part that privileged women
played in the oppression of others. For many women of color, working-class women, lesbi-
ans, and women in contexts outside the United States (especially women in non-Western
societies), the focus on male domination was a distraction from other oppressions. Their
lived experiences could support neither a unitary theory of gender nor an ideology of univer-
sal sisterhood. As a result, finding common ground in a universal female victimization was
never a priority for many groups of women.

Challenges to gender stereotypes soon emerged. Women of varied races, classes, national
origins, and sexualities insisted that the concept of gender be broadened to take their differ-
ences into account (Baca Zinn et al. 1986; Hartmann 1976; Rich 1980; Smith 1977). Many
women began to argue that their lives were affected by their location in a number of dif-
ferent hierarchies: in the United States as African Americans, Latinas, Native Americans, or
Asian Americans in the race hierarchy; as young or old in the age hierarchy; as heterosexual,
lesbian, bisexual, or queer in the sexual orientation hierarchy; and as women outside the
Western industrialized nations, in subordinated geopolitical contexts. Books like Cherríe
Moraga’s and Gloria Anzaldúa’s This Bridge Called My Back (1981) described the experiences
of women living at the intersections of multiple oppressions, challenging the notion of a
monolithic “woman’s experience.” Stories from women at these intersections made it clear
that women were not victimized by gender alone but by the historical and systematic denial
of rights and privileges based on other differences as well.

m e n a s g e n d e r e d b e i n g s

As the voices of “other” women in the mid- to late 1970s began to challenge and expand
the parameters of women’s studies, a new area of scholarly inquiry was beginning to stir—a
critical examination of men and masculinity. To be sure, in those early years of gender stud-
ies, the major task was to conduct studies and develop courses about the lives of women to

4

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g e n d e r t h r o u g h t h e p r i s m o f d i f f e r e n c e

begin to correct centuries of scholarship that rendered invisible women’s lives, problems,
and accomplishments. But the core idea of feminism—that “femininity” and women’s sub-
ordination is a social construction—logically led to an examination of the social construc-
tion of “masculinity” and men’s power. Many of the first scholars to take on this task were
psychologists who were concerned with looking at the social construction of “the male sex
role” (e.g., Pleck 1976). By the late 1980s, there was a growing interdisciplinary collection of
studies of men and masculinity, much of it by social scientists (Brod 1987; Kaufman 1987;
Kimmel 1987; Kimmel and Messner 1989).

Reflecting developments in women’s studies, the scholarship on men’s lives tended to
develop three themes: First, what we think of as “masculinity” is not a fixed, biological es-
sence of men, but rather is a social construction that shifts and changes over time as well
as between and among various national and cultural contexts. Second, power is central to
understanding gender as a relational construct, and the dominant definition of masculin-
ity is largely about expressing difference from—and superiority over—anything considered
“feminine.” And third, there is no singular “male sex role.” Rather, at any given time there are
various masculinities. R. W. Connell (1987, 1995, 2002) has been among the most articulate
advocates of this perspective. Connell argues that hegemonic masculinity (the dominant
and most privileged form of masculinity at any given moment) is constructed in relation to
femininities as well as in relation to various subordinated or marginalized masculinities. For
example, in the United States, various racialized masculinities (e.g., as represented by African
American men, Latino immigrant men, etc.) have been central to the construction of hege-
monic (white middle-class) masculinity. This “othering” of racialized masculinities, as well
as their selective incorporation by dominant groups (Bridges and Pascoe in this volume),
helps to shore up the privileges that have been historically connected to hegemonic mascu-
linity. When viewed this way, we can better understand hegemonic masculinity as part of a
system that includes gender as well as racial, class, sexual, and other relations of power.

The new literature on men and masculinities also begins to move us beyond the simplis-
tic, falsely categorical, and pessimistic view of men simply as a privileged sex class. When
race, social class, sexual orientation, physical abilities, immigrant, or national status are taken
into account, we can see that in some circumstances, “male privilege” is partly—sometimes
substantially—muted (Kimmel and Messner 2010; Kimmel in this volume). Although it is
unlikely that we will soon see a “men’s movement” that aims to undermine the power and
privileges that are connected with hegemonic masculinity, when we begin to look at “mas-
culinities” through the prism of difference, we can begin to see similarities and possible
points of coalition between and among certain groups of women and men (Messner 1998).
Certain kinds of changes in gender relations—for instance, a national family leave policy for
working parents—might serve as a means of uniting particular groups of women and men.

g e n d e r i n g l o b a l c o n t e x t s

It is an increasingly accepted truism that late twentieth-century increases in transnational
trade, international migration, and global systems of production and communication have
diminished both the power of nation-states and the significance of national borders. A much

Introduction 5

bac48559_intro_001-012.indd 5 05/16/19 06:30 AM

more ignored issue is the extent to which gender relations—in the United States and else-
where in the world—are increasingly linked to patterns of global economic restructuring.
Decisions made in corporate headquarters located in Los Angeles, Tokyo, or London may
have immediate repercussions on how people thousands of miles away organize their work,
community, and family lives (Sassen 1991). It is no longer possible to study gender relations
without giving attention to global processes and inequalities. Scholarship on women in de-
veloping countries has moved from liberal concerns for the impact of development policies
on women (Boserup 1970) to more critical perspectives that acknowledge how international
labor and capital mobility are transforming gender and family relations (Hondagneu-Sotelo
and Avila 1997; Mojola 2014). The transformation of international relations from a 1990s
“post–Cold War” environment to an expansion of militarism and warfare in recent years
has realigned international gender relations in key ways that call for new examinations of
gender, violence, militarism, and culture (Enloe 1993, 2000; Okin 1999). The now extended
US military presence in the Middle East has brought with it increasing numbers of female
troops and, with that, growing awareness of gender and sexual violence both by and within
the military.

Around the world, women’s paid and unpaid labor is key to global development strate-
gies. Yet it would be a mistake to conclude that gender is molded from the “top down.”
What happe

Sociology homework help

DQ 2 WEEK 3 RESPONSE 4 449

Hello Professor Smith and Classmates,

Advice is when you give someone guidance or suggestion on what to do in a particular situation. For a social work setting, clients come to a social worker seeking advice on what to do when they are facing issues or certain situations they need help dealing with. Supporting a client, on the other hand, would be the social worker working with a client to understand their needs, their skills/knowledge, and the resources that they have and looking for options together to allow the client to choose which option they would like to proceed with.

One thing I found interesting in our text was where it states, “Although many clients seek advice from social workers because they see the social workers as expert problem solvers, those social workers can (wrongly) seek to expedite problem solving by quickly comparing the current situation to other similar ones encountered in the past and recommending a solution that has worked for other clients or themselves” (Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K., 2017) Often a mistake that can happen when giving advice to a client is the social worker provides the advice too soon without having all of the facts and ends up giving advice to solutions the client may have already tried multiple times, this can become a communication barrier where the client feels they aren’t being given the chance to be heard and that the social worker is just trying to give them one singular fix and push them out the door. “Advice should be offered sparingly” (Hepworth, 2017)

An example of supporting the client without offering advice would be in the “Work with a Probation Officer: Redo of Session 1” video where the social worker does have to advise the client that the court is recommending the client enter into a treatment program, but lets him know that he has 4 options to choose from and the programs offered are not the same as when he tried treatment back in 1998. This allows the client and the social worker to follow the recommendations and guidance of the courts while still giving the client the freedom to choose how he wants to proceed in this specific situation. In this instance, this change of language and support of the client resulted in him agreeing and being willing to re-try treatment.

Respectfully,

Stephanie

———————

References:

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Gottfried, K. (2017). Eliminating Counterproductive Communication Patterns and Substituting Positive Alternatives. Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills (10th ed.). Cengage Learning

Sociology homework help

Emerging Adulthood
A Theory of Development From the Late Teens Through the Twenties

J e f f r e y Jensen A r n e t t
University o f Maryland College Park

Emerging adulthood is proposed as a new conception o f
development f o r the period from the late teens through the
twenties, with a focus on ages 18-25. A theoretical back-
ground is presented, Then evidence is provided to support
the idea that emerging adulthood is a distinct period de-
mographically, subjectively, and in terms of identity explo-
rations. How emerging adulthood differs from adolescence
and young adulthood is explained. Finally, a cultural con-
text f o r the idea of emerging adulthood is outlined, and it
is specified that emerging adulthood exists only in cultures
that allow young people a prolonged period of independent
role. exploration during the late teens and twenties.

When our mothers were our age, they were engaged . . . . They
at least had some idea what they were going to do with their
lives . . . . I, on the other hand, will have a dual degree in majors
that are ambiguous at best and impractical at worst (English and
political science), no ring on my finger and no idea who I am,
much less what I want to do . . . . Under duress, I will admit that
this is a pretty exciting time. Sometimes, when I look out across
the wide expanse that is my future, I can see beyond the void. I
realize that having nothing ahead to count on means I now have
to count on myself; that having no direction means forging one of
my own. (Kristen, age 22; Page, 1999, pp. 18, 20)

F o r m o s t y o u n g p e o p l e in i n d u s t r i a l i z e d countries, the y e a r s f r o m the l a t e teens t h r o u g h the t w e n t i e s are y e a r s o f p r o f o u n d c h a n g e and i m p o r t a n c e . D u r i n g
this time, m a n y y o u n g p e o p l e o b t a i n the l e v e l o f e d u c a t i o n
and t r a i n i n g that w i l l p r o v i d e the f o u n d a t i o n for t h e i r
i n c o m e s and o c c u p a t i o n a l a c h i e v e m e n t s for the r e m a i n d e r
o f t h e i r a d u l t w o r k l i v e s ( C h i s h o l m & H u r r e l m a n n , 1995;
W i l l i a m T. G r a n t F o u n d a t i o n C o m m i s s i o n on W o r k , F a m –
ily, a n d C i t i z e n s h i p , 1988). It is for m a n y p e o p l e a t i m e o f
f r e q u e n t c h a n g e as v a r i o u s p o s s i b i l i t i e s in love, w o r k , and
w o r l d v i e w s are e x p l o r e d ( E r i k s o n , 1968; R i n d f u s s , 1991).
B y the e n d o f this p e r i o d , the late t w e n t i e s , m o s t p e o p l e
h a v e m a d e life c h o i c e s that h a v e e n d u r i n g r a m i f i c a t i o n s .
W h e n adults later c o n s i d e r the m o s t i m p o r t a n t events in
t h e i r lives, t h e y m o s t o f t e n n a m e e v e n t s that t o o k p l a c e
d u r i n g this p e r i o d ( M a r t i n & S m y e r , 1990),

S w e e p i n g d e m o g r a p h i c shifts h a v e t a k e n p l a c e o v e r
the p a s t h a l f c e n t u r y that h a v e m a d e the late teens and e a r l y
t w e n t i e s not s i m p l y a b r i e f p e r i o d o f t r a n s i t i o n into a d u l t
r o l e s but a d i s t i n c t p e r i o d o f the life course, c h a r a c t e r i z e d
b y c h a n g e and e x p l o r a t i o n o f p o s s i b l e l i f e d i r e c t i o n s . A s
r e c e n t l y as 1970, the m e d i a n age o f m a r r i a g e in the U n i t e d
States was a b o u t 21 for w o m e n and 23 for men; b y 1996,

it had risen to 25 for w o m e n and 27 for m e n (U.S. B u r e a u
o f the Census, 1997). A g e o f first c h i l d b i r t h f o l l o w e d a
s i m i l a r pattern. A l s o , since m i d c e n t u r y the p r o p o r t i o n o f
y o u n g A m e r i c a n s o b t a i n i n g h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n after h i g h
s c h o o l has risen s t e e p l y f r o m 14% in 1940 to o v e r 60% b y
the m i d – 1 9 9 0 s ( A r n e t t & Taber, 1994; B i a n c h i & Spain,
19961). S i m i l a r c h a n g e s h a v e t a k e n p l a c e in o t h e r i n d u s t r i –
a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s ( C h i s h o l m & H u r r e l m a n n , 1995; N o b l e ,
C o v e r , & Y a n a g i s h i t a , 1996).

T h e s e c h a n g e s o v e r the p a s t h a l f c e n t u r y h a v e a l t e r e d
the nature o f d e v e l o p m e n t in the late teens and e a r l y
t w e n t i e s for y o u n g p e o p l e in i n d u s t r i a l i z e d societies. B e –
cause m a r r i a g e and p a r e n t h o o d are d e l a y e d until the m i d –
t w e n t i e s o r late t w e n t i e s for m o s t p e o p l e , it is no l o n g e r
n o r m a t i v e for the late t e e n s and e a r l y t w e n t i e s to b e a t i m e
o f e n t e r i n g and settling into l o n g – t e r m a d u l t roles. O n the
contrary, these y e a r s are m o r e t y p i c a l l y a p e r i o d o f f r e q u e n t
c h a n g e and e x p l o r a t i o n (Arnett, 1998; R i n d f u s s , 1991).

In this article, I p r o p o s e a new t h e o r y o f d e v e l o p m e n t
f r o m the late teens t h r o u g h the t w e n t i e s , w i t h a f o c u s on
ages 1 8 – 2 5 . I argue that this p e r i o d , emerging adulthood, is
n e i t h e r a d o l e s c e n c e nor y o u n g a d u l t h o o d but is t h e o r e t i –
c a l l y and e m p i r i c a l l y d i s t i n c t f r o m t h e m both. E m e r g i n g
a d u l t h o o d is d i s t i n g u i s h e d b y r e l a t i v e i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m
s o c i a l r o l e s and f r o m n o r m a t i v e e x p e c t a t i o n s . H a v i n g left
the d e p e n d e n c y o f c h i l d h o o d and a d o l e s c e n c e , and h a v i n g
not y e t e n t e r e d the e n d u r i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that are n o r –
m a t i v e in a d u l t h o o d , e m e r g i n g adults o f t e n e x p l o r e a v a r i –
ety o f p o s s i b l e life d i r e c t i o n s in love, work, and w o r l d –
v i e w s . E m e r g i n g a d u l t h o o d is a t i m e o f life w h e n m a n y
differen! d i r e c t i o n s r e m a i n p o s s i b l e , w h e n little a b o u t the
future has b e e n d e c i d e d for certain, w h e n the s c o p e o f
i n d e p e n d e n t e x p l o r a t i o n o f l i f e ‘ s p o s s i b i l i t i e s is g r e a t e r for
m o s t p e o p l e than it will be at a n y o t h e r p e r i o d o f the life
course.

F o r m o s t p e o p l e , the late teens t h r o u g h the m i d t w e n –
ties :are the m o s t volitional y e a r s o f life. H o w e v e r , c u l t u r a l
influences structure and s o m e t i m e s l i m i t the e x t e n t to

I thank the following colleagues for their comments on drafts of this
article: Jack Brunner, James Cot& Shirley Feldman, Nancy Galambos,
Lene Arnett Jensen, John Modell, John Schulenberg, David Skeel, Dor-
othy Youniss, and James Youniss.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jef-
frey Jensen Arnett, Department of Human Development, University of
Maryland, 3304 Benjamin Hall, College Park, MD 20742. Electronic mail
may be sent to arnett@wam.umd.edu.

M a y 2000 • A m e r i c a n P s y c h o l o g i s t
Copyright 2000 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0003,(166X/00/$5.00
Vol. 55. No. 5,469-480 DOI: 10.1037//0003-066X.55.5.469

469

Jeffrey
Jensen Arnett

which emerging adults are able to use their late teens and
twenties in this way, and not all young people in this age
period are able to use these years for independent explo-
ration. Like adolescence, emerging adulthood is a period of
the life course that is culturally constructed, not universal
and immutable.

I lay out the theoretical background first and then
present evidence to illustrate how emerging adulthood is a
distinct period demographically, subjectively, and in terms
of identity explorations. Next, I explain how emerging
adulthood can be distinguished from adolescence and
young adulthood. Finally, I discuss the economic and cul-
tural conditions under which emerging adulthood is most
likely to exist as a distinct period of the life course.

The Theoretical Background
There have been a number of important theoretical contri-
butions to the understanding of development from the late
teens through the twenties. One early contribution was
made by Erik Erikson (1950, 1968). Erikson rarely dis-
cussed specific ages in his writings, and in his theory of
human development across the life course he did not in-
clude a separate stage that could be considered analogous
to emerging adulthood as proposed here. Rather, he wrote
of development in adolescence and of development in
young adulthood. However, he also commented on the
prolonged adolescence typical of industrialized societies
and on the psychosocial moratorium granted to young
people in such societies “during which the young adult
through free role experimentation may find a niche in some
section of his society” (Erikson, 1968, p. 156). Thus, Erik-
son seems to have distinguished–without n a m i n g – – a pe-
riod that is in some ways adolescence and in some ways
young adulthood yet not strictly either one, a period in

which adult commitments and responsibilities are delayed
while the role experimentation that began in adolescence
continues and in fact intensifies.

Another theoretical contribution can be found in the
work of Daniel Levinson (1978). Levinson interviewed
men at midlife, but he had them describe their earlier years
as well, and on the basis of their accounts he developed a
theory that included development in the late teens and the
twenties. He called ages 17-33 the novice phase of devel-
opment and argued that the overriding task of this phase is
to move into the adult world and build a stable life struc-
ture. During this process, according to Levinson, the young
person experiences a considerable amount of change and
instability while sorting through various possibilities in
love and work in the course of establishing a life structure.
Levinson acknowledged that his conception of the novice
phase was similar to Erikson’s ideas about the role exper-
imentation that takes place during the psychosocial mora-
torium (Levinson, 1978, pp. 322-323).

Perhaps the best-known theory of development in the
late teens and the twenties is Kenneth Keniston’s theory of
youth. Like Erikson and Levinson, Keniston (1971) con-
ceptualized youth as a period of continued role experimen-
tation between adolescence and young adulthood. How-
ever, Keniston wrote at a time when American society and
some Western European societies were convulsed with
highly visible youth movements protesting the involvement
of the United States in the Vietnam War (among other
things). His description of youth as a time of “tension
between self and society” (Keniston, 1971, p. 8) and “re-
fusal of socialization” (p. 9) reflects that historical moment
rather than any enduring characteristics of the period.

More importantly, Keniston’s (1971) application of
the term youth to this period is problematic. Youth has a
long history in the English language as a term for childhood
generally and for what later became called adolescence
(e.g., Ben-Amos, 1994), and it continues to be used popu-
larly and by many social scientists for these purposes (as
reflected in terms such as youth organizations). Keniston’s
choice of the ambiguous and confusing term youth may
explain in part why the idea of the late teens and twenties
as a separate period of life never became widely accepted
by developmental scientists after his articulation of it.
However, as I argue in the following sections, there is good
empirical support for conceiving this period–proposed
here as emerging adulthood–as a distinct period of life.

Emerging Adulthood Is Distinct
Demographically
Although Erikson (1968), Levinson (1978), and Keniston
(1971) all contributed to the theoretical groundwork for
emerging adulthood, the nature of the period has changed
considerably since the time of their writings more than 20
years ago, As noted at the outset of this article, demo-
graphic changes in the timing of marriage and parenthood
in recent decades have made a period of emerging adult-
hood typical for young people in industrialized societies.
Postponing these transitions until at least the late twenties

470 May 2000 • American Psychologist

leaves the late teens and early twenties available for ex-
ploring various possible life directions.

An important demographic characteristic o f emerging
adulthood is that there is a great deal of demographic
variability, reflecting the wide scope of individual volition
during these years. Emerging adulthood is the only period
of life in which nothing is normative demographically
(Rindfuss, 1991; Wallace, 1995). During adolescence, up
to age 18, a variety of key demographic areas show little
variation. Over 95% of American adolescents aged 12-17
live at home with one or more parents, over 98% are
unmarried, fewer than 10% have had a child, and over 95%
are enrolled in school (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1997).
By age 30, new demographic norms have been established:
About 75% o f 30-year-olds have married, about 75% have
b e c o m e parents, and fewer than 10% are enrolled in school
(U.S. Bureau o f the Census, 1997).

In between these two periods, however, and especially
from ages 18 to 25, a person’s demographic status in these
areas is very difficult to predict on the basis o f age alone.
The demographic diversity and unpredictability of emerg-
ing adulthood is a reflection of the experimental and ex-
ploratory quality o f the period. Talcott Parsons (1942)
called adolescence the r o l e l e s s r o l e , but this term applies
much better to emerging adulthood. Emerging adults tend
to have a wider scope of possible activities than persons in
other age periods because they are less likely to be con-
strained by role requirements, and this makes their demo-
graphic status unpredictable.

One demographic area that especially reflects the ex-
ploratory quality of emerging adulthood is residential sta-
tus. Most young Americans leave home by age 18 or 19
(Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1994). In the years that
follow, emerging adults’ living situations are diverse.
About one third of emerging adults go off to college after
high school and spend the next several years in some
combination of independent living and continued reliance
on adults, for example, in a college dormitory or a frater-
nity or sorority house (Goldscheider & Goldscheider,
1994). For them, this is a period o f semiautonomy (Gold-
scheider & Davanzo, 1986) as they take on some of the
responsibilities o f independent living but leave others to
their parents, college authorities, or other adults. About
40% move out of their parental home not for college but for
independent living and full-time work (Goldscheider &
Goldscheider, 1994). About two thirds experience a period
of cohabitation with a romantic partner (Michael, Gagnon,
Laumann, & Kolata, 1995). Some remain at h o m e while
attending college or working or some combination of the
two. Only about 10% of men and 30% o f women remain at
home until marriage (Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1994).

Amidst this diversity, perhaps the unifying feature of
the residential status of emerging adults is the instability of
it. Emerging adults have the highest rates o f residential
change of any age group. Using data from several cohorts
of the National Longitudinal Study, Rindfuss (1991) de-
scribed how rates of residential mobility peak in the mid-
twenties (see Figure 1). For about 40% of the current
generation of emerging adults, residential changes include

moving back into their parents’ home and then out again at
least once in the course of their late teens and twenties
(Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1994). Frequent residential
changes during emerging adulthood reflect its exploratory
quality, because these changes often take place at the end
of one period of exploration or the beginning o f another
(e.g., the end of a period of cohabitation, entering or
leaving college, or the beginning o f a new j o b in a new
place).

School attendance is another area in which there is
substantial change and diversity among emerging adults.
The proportion o f American emerging adults who enter
higher education in the year following high school is at its
highest level ever, over 60% (Bianchi & Spain, 1996).
However, this figure masks the expanding diversity in the
years that follow. Only 32% of young people ages 25-29
have completed four years or more o f college (U.S. Bureau
of the: Census, 1997). For emerging adults, college educa-
tion is often pursued in a nonlinear way, frequently com-
bined with work, and punctuated b y periods o f nonatten-
dance,. For those who do eventually graduate with a four-
year degree, college is increasingly likely to be followed by
graduate school. About one third of those who graduate
with a bachelor’s degree are enrolled in postgraduate edu-
cation the following year (Mogelonsky, 1996). In European
countries too, the length o f education has become extended
in recent decades (Chisholm & Hurrelmann, 1995).

Overall, then, the years o f emerging adulthood are
characterized by a high degree of demographic diversity
and instability, reflecting the emphasis on change and ex-
ploration. It is only in the transition from emerging adult-
hood to young adulthood in the late twenties that the
diversity narrows and the instability eases, as young people
make. more enduring choices in love and work. Rindfuss
(1991) called the period from ages 18 to 30 “demograph-
ically dense” (p. 496) because of the many demographic
transitions that take place during that time, especially in the
late twenties.

Emerging Adulthood Is Distinct
Subjectively
Emerging adults do not see themselves as adolescents, but
many o f them also do not see themselves entirely as adults.
Figure 2 shows that when they are asked whether they feel
they have reached adulthood, the majority of Americans in
their late teens and early twenties answer neither n o nor y e s
but the ambiguous in s o m e r e s p e c t s y e s , in s o m e r e s p e c t s
n o (Arnett, in press). This reflects a subjective sense on the
part of most emerging adults that they have left adoles-
cence but have not yet completely entered young adulthood
(Arnett, 1994a, 1997, 1998). They have no name for the
period they are i n – – b e c a u s e the society they live in has no
name for i t – – s o they regard themselves as being neither
adolescents nor adults, in between the two but not really
one or the other. As Figure 2 shows, only in their late
twenties and early thirties do a clear majority of people
indicate that they feel they have reached adulthood. How-
ever, age is only the roughest marker of the subjective
transition from emerging adulthood to young adulthood. As

May 2000 ° American Psychologist 471

F i g u r e ‘1
Residential Change by Age, 1998

50

4 5

4 0

3 5

30

e . –
¢~ 2 5
o

o.. 2 0

15

10

5

0 k- + m b m F I
10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-44 45-54 55+

Age
Note. Data are from “Geographic Mobility: March 1997 to March 1998,” by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000, Current Population Reports (Series P-20, No.
520), Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

F i g u r e 2
Subjective Conceptions of Adult Status in Response to
the Question, Do You Feel That You Have Reached
Adulthood?

Note. N = 519. Data are from Arnett (in press).

illustrated in Figure 2, even in their late twenties and early
thirties, nearly one third did not feel their transition to
adulthood was complete.

One might expect emerging adults’ subjective sense of
ambiguity in attaining full adulthood to arise from the
demographic diversity and instability described above. Per-
haps it is difficult for young people to feel they have
reached adulthood before they have established a stable
residence, finished school, settled into a career, and married
(or at least committed themselves to a long-term love
relationship). However, perhaps surprisingly, the research
evidence indicates strongly that these demographic transi-
tions have little to do with emerging adults’ conceptions of
what it means to reach adulthood. Consistently, in a variety
of studies with young people in their teens and twenties,
demographic transitions such as finishing education, set-
tling into a career, marriage, and parenthood rank at the
bottom in importance among possible criteria considered
necessary for the attainment of adulthood (Arnett, 1997,
1998, in press; Greene, Wheatley, & Aldava, 1992; Scheer,
Unger, & Brown, 1994).

The characteristics that matter most to emerging
adults in their subjective sense of attaining adulthood are
not demographic transitions but individualistic qualities of

472 May 2000 • American Psychologist

character (Arnett, 1998). Specifically, the two top criteria
for the transition to adulthood in a variety of studies have
been accepting responsibility for one’s self and making
independent decisions (Arnett, 1997, 1998; Greene et al.,
1992; Scheer et al., 1994). A third criterion, also individ-
ualistic but more tangible, becoming financially indepen-
dent, also ranks consistently near the top.

The prominence of these criteria for the transition to
adulthood reflects an emphasis in emerging adulthood on
becoming a self-sufficient person (Arnett, 1998). During
these years, the character qualities most important to be-
coming successfully self-sufficient–accepting responsibil-
ity for o n e ‘ s self and making independent d e c i s i o n s – – a r e
being developed. Financial independence is also crucial to
self-sufficiency, so it is also important in emerging adults’
conceptions of what is necessary to become an adult. Only
after these character qualities have reached fruition and
financial independence has been attained do emerging
adults experience a subjective change in their developmen-
tal status, as they m o v e out o f emerging adulthood and into
young adulthood. For most young people in American
society, this occurs some time during the twenties and is
usually accomplished by the late twenties (Arnett, in press).

Although emerging adults do not view demographic
transitions as necessary for attaining adulthood, it should
be noted that parenthood in particular is often sufficient for
marking a subjective sense o f adult status. Parenthood
ranks low in young people’s views o f the essential criteria
for adulthood for people in general, but those who have had
a child tend to view becoming a parent as the most impor-
tant marker o f the transition to adulthood for themselves
(Arnett, 1998). The explorations that occur in emerging
adulthood become sharply restricted with parenthood, be-
cause it requires taking on the responsibilities of protecting
and providing for a young child. With parenthood, the
focus o f concern shifts inexorably from responsibility for
o n e ‘ s self to responsibility for others.

Emerging Adulthood Is Distinct for
Identity Explorations
A key feature of emerging adulthood is that it is the period
o f life that offers the most opportunity for identity explo-
rations in the areas of love, work, and worldviews. O f
course, it is adolescence rather than emerging adulthood
that has typically been associated with identity formation.
Erikson (1950) designated identity versus role confusion as
the central crisis o f the adolescent stage of life, and in the
decades since he articulated this idea the focus of research
on identity has been on adolescence (Adams, 1999). How-
ever, as noted, Erikson (1950, 1968) clearly believed that
industrialized societies allow a prolonged adolescence for
extended identity explorations. I f adolescence is the period
from ages 10 to 18 and emerging adulthood is the period
from (roughly) ages 18 to 25, most identity exploration
takes place in emerging adulthood rather than adolescence.
Although research on identity formation has focused
mainly on adolescence, this research has shown that iden-
tity achievement has rarely been reached by the end of high

school (Montemayor, Brown, & Adams, 1985; Waterman,
1982) and that identity development continues through the
late teens and the twenties (Valde, 1996; Whitbourne &
Tesch, 1985).

The locus on identity issues in emerging adulthood
can be seen in the three main areas of identity exploration:
love, work, and worldviews. Identity formation involves
trying out various life possibilities and gradually moving
toward making enduring decisions, in all three o f these
areas, this process begins in adolescence but takes place
mainly in emerging adulthood. With regard to love, Amer-
ican adolescents typically begin dating around ages 12 to
14 (Padgham & Blyth, 1991). However, because any seri-
ous consideration of marriage is a decade or more away for
most 12- to 14-year-olds, young people view the early
years of dating as primarily recreational (Roscoe, Dian, &
Brooks, 1987). For adolescents, dating provides compan-
ionship, the first experiences o f romantic love, and sexual
experimentation; however, their dating relationships typi-
cally lasl only a few weeks or months (Feiring, 1996), and
few adolescents expect to remain with their “high school
sweetheart” much beyond high school,

In emerging adulthood, explorations in love become
more intimate and serious. Dating in adolescence often
takes place in groups, as adolescents pursue shared recre-
ation such as parties, dances, and hanging out (Padgham &
Blyth, 1991). By emerging adulthood, dating is more likely
to take place in couples, and the focus is less on recreation
and more on exploring the potential for emotional and
physical intimacy. Romantic relationships in emerging
adulthood last longer than in adolescence, are more likely
to include sexual intercourse, and may include cohabitation
(Michael et al., 1995). Thus, in adolescence, explorations
in love tend to be tentative and transient; the implicit
question is, Who would I enjoy being with, here and now?
In contrast, explorations in love in emerging adulthood
tend to involve a deeper level o f intimacy, and the implicit
question is more identity focused: Given the kind of person
I am, what kind of person do I wish to have as a partner
through life?

With regard to work, a similar contrast exists between
the transient and tentative explorations o f adolescence and
the more serious and focused explorations of emerging
adulthood. In the United States, the majority o f high school
students are employed part-time (Barling & Kelloway,
1999). Although adolescents often report that their work
experiences enhance their abilities in areas such as manag-
ing their time and money (Mortimer, Harley, & Aronson,
1999), for the most part their jobs do not provide them with
knowledge or experience that will be related to their future
occupations (Greenberger & Steinberg, 1986; Steinberg &
Cauffman, 1995), Most adolescents are employed in ser-
vice’ j o b s – – a t restaurants, retail stores, and so forth—in
which the cognitive challenges are minimal and the skills
learned are few. Adolescents tend to view their jobs not as
occupational preparation but as a way to obtain the money
that will support an active leisure l i f e – – p a y i n g for compact
discs, concerts, restaurant meals, clothes, cars, travel, and

May 2000 • American Psychologist 473

so forth (Bachman & Schulenberg, 1993; Shanahan, Elder,
Burchinal, & Conger, 1996; Steinberg & Cauffman, 1995).

In emerging adulthood, work experiences become
more focused on preparation for adult work roles. Emerg-
ing adults begin to consider how their work experiences
will lay the groundwork for the jobs they may have through
adulthood. In exploring various work possibilities, they
explore identity issues as well: What kind o f work am I
good at? What kind of work would I find satisfying for the
long term? What are m y chances o f getting a job in the field
that seems to suit me best?

Emerging adults’ educational choices and experiences
explore similar questions. In their educational paths, they
try out various possibilities that would prepare them for
different kinds of future work. College students often
change majors more than once, especially in their first two
years, as they try on possible occupational futures, discard
them, and pursue others. With graduate school becoming
an increasingly c o m m o n choice after an undergraduate
degree is obtained, emerging adults’ educational explora-
tions often continue through their early twenties and mid-
twenties. Graduate school allows emerging adults to switch
directions again from the path o f occupational preparation
they had chosen as undergraduates.

For both love and work, the goals o f identity explo-
rations in emerging adulthood are not limited to direct
preparation for adult roles. On the contrary, the explora-
tions o f emerging adulthood are in part explorations for
their own sake, part of obtaining a broad range o f life
experiences before taking on e n d u r i n g – – a n d l i m i t i n g – –
adult responsibilities. The absence o f enduring role com-
mitments in emerging adulthood makes possible a degree
of experimentation and exploration that is not likely to be
possible during the thirties and beyond. For people who
wish to have a variety of romantic and sexual experiences,
emerging adulthood is the time for it, because parental
surveillance has diminished and there is as yet little nor-
mative pressure to enter marriage. Similarly, emerging
adulthood is the time for trying out unusual work and
educational possibilities. For this reason, short-term volun-
teer jobs in programs such as Americorps and the Peace
Corps are more popular with emerging adults than with
persons in any other age period. Emerging adults may also
travel to a different part of the country or the world on their
own for a limited period, often in the context of a limited-
term work or educational experience. This too can be part
o f their identity explorations, part of expanding their range
o f personal experiences prior to making the more enduring
choices of adulthood.

With regard to worldviews, the work o f William Perry
(1970/1999) has shown that changes in worldviews are
often a central part o f cognitive development during emerg-
ing adulthood. According to Perry, emerging adults often
enter college with a worldview they have learned in the
course o f childhood and adolescence. However, a college
education leads to exposure to a variety o f different world-
views, and in the course o f this exposure college students
often find themselves questioning the worldviews they
brought in. Over the course o f their college years, emerging

adults examine and consider a variety o f possible world-
views. By the end o f their college years they have often
committed themselves to a worldview different from the
one they brought in, while remaining open to further mod-
ifications o f it.

Most of the research on changes in worldviews during
emerging adulthood has involved co

Sociology homework help

Regulating online erotica – ethnographic
observations of a UK-based adult
entertainment provider

Axel Klein

Axel Klein is a Team Leader at
the Cocaine Route Monitoring
and Support Project,
CHSS, University of Kent,
Canterbury, UK.

Abstract

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to throw a new light on the online adult entertainment industry and
help remove the stigma associated with it.
Design/methodology/approach – An ethnographic approach was taken, with participant observation and
in-depth interviews with a number of informants.
Findings – This is an environment where female performers can enjoy good income opportunities and work
in a safe environment. It also provides a high level of job security for technical support staff.
Research limitations/implications – The study used a sample sample size with no access to clients.
Practical implications – It is important that UK regulation remains light handed to avoid pushing the
industry off shore.
Originality/value – The paper provides new data on the working environment in camming studios and
positive aspects of job security and the equitable distribution of profits.

Keywords Regulation, Online, Sex work, Adult entertainment, Camming, Erotica

Paper type Viewpoint

One of the first things that a Studio 66 performer has to establish with a client is that they will
never meet. For some punters this is a deal breaker and they take their fancies elsewhere.
But enough find the prospect of a digital relationship sufficiently satisfactory to make this TV
channel a profitable enterprise. The services provided range from daytime chat through to
one-to-one explicit adult interaction with striptease and simulated masturbation after 11 p.m.
In return clients pay between £1.50 and £5 per minute.

Filmed at the company’s studio in London the shows appear on three live satellite TV channels. There
are also a website and webcam channels that allow the performers more flexibility as they can work
from home or any other location. For them, modern erotica provides a rare opportunity for cashing in
on good looks and the defiance of social convention to achieve life style aspirations. Pay-to-view real
life erotic performances by a single performer[1] that are transmitted via web camera have become
the latest and hottest development in the adult entertainment sector. The sheer scale of the industry
has confounded social commentators and is setting a new challenge to regulatory authorities. The
activities are continuously derided as pornography or prostitution, terms that according to Primetime
TV[2] (UK)’s Managing Director, are deeply injurious because of their negative connotations[3],
arguing that men have celebrated the physical beauty of women since time immemorial.

Not shying away from classical comparisons, he suggests that the Studio 66 platform has
sprung from the same impulse that inspired Botticelli to paint Venus stepping out of a shell. They
work in a different medium perhaps, and to different social mores, but there is the same
relationship between viewer and viewed, client and performer and the same frisson.

Received 23 June 2016
Revised 6 July 2016
Accepted 7 July 2016

PAGE 222 j DRUGS AND ALCOHOL TODAY j VOL. 16 NO. 3 2016, pp. 222-227, © Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1745-9265 DOI 10.1108/DAT-06-2016-0017

Technology is driving the development of the sector and leading to adaptations. Just as the
proliferation of pirate recordings led to the revival of live concerts in the music industry, so has
the glut of freely available online porn pushed adult entertainment sector towards live interactive
erotic entertainment. It has also re-balanced power relations between service providers and
performers. “The technology allows a performer a lot of independence. All they need is a laptop,
a web camera, a platform and a bank account. This is why you have a lot of independents
working from home or anywhere in the world they happen to be”[4].

Today’s performers are increasingly confident and mobile. They can, for instance, take their web
camera into a public space like a park or the British library and connect with their customers who
will then ask – and pay for – services. Feeding on such visual stimuli from a “virtual girlfriend” the
client can act out the fantasy of having sex in the park without risk or contact.

The web camera produces a continuous stream of fresh imagery. Studies show that male
customers are always looking for fresh images, even while remaining “loyal” to particular
performers (Moxon, 2009). Many clients are in virtual relationships as is evident in the adulation
fans pay to their favourite “stars”.

But the medium also allows performers to “tailor” services to customers’ needs. The first is in the
attitude towards the clients. Success lies in treating clients for what they are: customers paying
good money to indulge their legitimate desire.

Part of the management’s job is to remind the staff that “this is a customer service business and
as such the quality of the service is what determines the businesses success. The callers are not
perverts, they are customers and are someone’s father, son or brother”. As in any other service
industry making the customer feel special is key. “It is just like going to a restaurant and being
given a great welcome by the Maitre D”.

Successful performers manage to project that positive customer care and give special attention
to their regular callers. She will, for instance, remember personal details like a nick name, the cars
he drives or his birthday. It makes him feel that she cares for him, and in a way she does. But it is
also a way of ensuring return calls, and the most skillful of the women are excellent in convincing
or deluding the client that he really is the object of her affection. A typical example would be a
daytime telephone one-on-one where as part of the “real girlfriend experience” the client asks her
how she is doing. “Terry! Thanks goodness you’ve called, its been so boring today, I’m so glad to
hear your voice”.

In their “special” relationships the men can also make requests, for special items of clothing –
a blue skirt, pink knickers, etc. – or for certain scenarios. Sometimes the performer is sent a
script, “what if your wife catches us” to go with a particular fantasy. At other times they want the
women to talk dirty or humiliate them.

The adaptation of technological advances where performers and clients can remain anonymous,
has opened up an entirely new arena of social intercourse, sexual gratification and economic
activity. It provides a spicy twist to virtual relationships.

While the set up has empowered performers, and especially female performers, there are
challenges for the corporate players. The model developed by Studio 66 is to combine
conventional linear TV broadcast accessible on Sky “adult” section of the Sky electronic
programme guide (“Sky EPG”), alongside bespoke webcam interactivity into a single bundle.
Performers can use the platform of Live TV, web cams and on demand video content from the
company website to create and build a brand. They can then jointly monetise that brand from
home or any site they wish, with the option of working from the studio always available.

Constantly harassed by moral crusaders and scrutinised by intrusive regulators, the adult
entertainment industry has always been an early adopter of technological innovation. Disruptive
technological changes, like videos in the 1970[5], internet in the 2000, the webcam today, have
helped the sector avoid undue of legislative interference, but it is a cat and mouse game.

Sitting in his control room by the battery of monitors, Brendan[6], the gallery operator and
compliance officer, keeps an eye on the studios and regularly checks on the phone conversations.
Occasionally he will alert a performer by intercom to pull down a wayward dress. Brendan explains

VOL. 16 NO. 3 2016 j DRUGS AND ALCOHOL TODAY j PAGE 223

that if a girl inadvertently or not becomes too explicit, he has to switch the camera off and log the
incident to show that they immediately took action. An Ofcom report from 2013 notes a regulatory
breach when a daytime “female presenter” was seen exposing her nipples, gyrating her hips
suggestively and caressing her inner thigh, breasts and buttocks. They informed the licensee that
they were minded to consider imposing statutory sanctions in case of recurrence[7].

The business responded with alacrity, holding meetings with performers and issuing a code of
conduct. Paul, a producer and cameraman, explains the need for caution. “There are people
lining up to pounce on this business so we have to self-regulate”. This also means setting ceilings
of 20 minutes for callers after which they cannot renew. But the performers themselves also keep
an eye out, saying things like “you have called me four times now, you should really hang up now”.
These defensive measures are in place to pre-empt regulatory intervention. They also give them a
sense of being cared for, which further ensures his return.

Career choices

As with many TV studios, the action takes place behind windowless walls, the irony of a media
business built on the appeal of visual imagery. Apart from the technical requirement, this hermetic
isolation helps produce the privacy required. Privacy is a contested term here, because what the
studio sells is the inversion of social norms by allowing a paying stranger to enter the bedroom of
beautiful young women and vicariously engage in the most intimate acts.

For the crew however, privacy, team spirit and a pleasant environment are preconditions for
producing a quality product. “Many of the girls expect this to be a really sleazy place when they
first arrive. They are pleasantly surprised by what they find, the place is clean and light and
everybody is respectful”, explains Robert. He has been working with the founder since the
beginning, when they met at a different channel that was far less well organised. He has stuck
with the job for over six years now. A graduate in social anthropology who began work in the
publishing industry he never thought of becoming a “producer” in adult entertainment. But,
he explains, “my old position was morphing increasingly into a sales job. That was not for me,
so when this opportunity came up, I left”.

Precisely because of its ambivalent status the erotica industry is less structured than other
professions with opportunities for people short of vocational qualifications or technical expertise
that are expected elsewhere. Most of the staff came on board by accident, often joining initially
“while looking for something else” and find themselves in the same post years later. “I am not sure
what my job actually is” Robert explains. The manager left him to come up with his own title and
he is still looking. The tangible part of this job specification is organising the rota. It is not always
easy ensuring that all the shifts are covered in a 24/7 business. But the most demanding side of
the work is looking after the performers.

“Managing a lot of women is challenging at best of times, but looking after 50 glamour models
can just be impossible”, he sighs. The downside of the around the clock business is that
someone has to be on call. Robert receives texts at all hours of the day, which also puts a strain
on his own relationship. He relishes the fact that he has managed establishing a good rapport
with the performers. To some he is a confidante and he mentions examples where he was
informed of one young woman’s pregnancy before she had told her own mother.

It is by providing some form of pastoral care that Studio 66 (see footnote 6) is managing to hold
on to their performers when the competition is becoming intense. After all, anybody can set up a
technological platform, and there is a growing volume of free erotica on the internet.

This is one of the reasons why Mick, the director of studio 66, supports better regulation.
He believes that the government’s commitment to protecting children from pornography can work
in their favour. Age verification technology will ensure that the client is likely to stay after having gone
through the process and that he is able to pay. He things further that with the requirement in place
punters are more likely to entrust their details to a reputable private company.

But beyond questions of access the regulator is also interfering with content, which Mick Jordan
thinks lamentable. The vast majority of people, in his view, have no desire to watch a model

PAGE 224 j DRUGS AND ALCOHOL TODAY j VOL. 16 NO. 3 2016

urinating into someone’s mouth, but for those who do, and provided the video was filmed
between consenting adults, let them watch it. If it is pushed underground then people will migrate
to the dark web, where the production methods may well be less civilised than at Studio 66.

The strive for respectability

The functionality of the night-time shows with striptease, “implicit nudity”, and simulated sex is
captured by the noms de guerre adopted by regulars like “Gonnacum”. Puzzling, however, is the
popularity of the daytime service when the girls keep their clothes on and do little other than
stretch and chat. Much of it is mundane, but some of it personal. One guy is telling Donna about
his mother who is not well and might have to go to hospital. Donna coos sympathetically and
wants to know more about the circumstances with the seconds ticking away.

To Robert this is a mystery, “what does he think is going on there, we are not the Samaritans”.
What the customers buy into is the fantasy of being in a relationship with a stunning partner. That
is why they send letters, sometimes with photographs of themselves, as if they were in a long
distance relationship. It follows that customers try to take it further, having revealed so much
themselves and after spending a fortune on phone charges, they want a date. When this does not
happen they take their desire elsewhere. Nothing is more revealing about the capture of some of
these men than the fact that they often return at a later point. The rupture can even reinforce the
compulsion by giving it the appearance of a tiff in a normal relationship.

To the crew in the studio the explanation is loneliness and social alienation. But some of the men
are in relationships and establish camaraderie on the chat lines where they discuss the
performers. Reassuring against the backdrop of social anxiety over the alleged misogyny inherent
to pornography is the quality of the exchanges on UK Babe Channels[8]. The prevailing attitudes
are classic fandom with pretensions of connoisseurship and genuine affection. A few lines
garnered from the first page of Lola Knight’s page provide an insight into the viewer’s mindset:

▪ “My personal opinion is that she is stunningly attractive, and deserved a regular place […] But all in all.
What a babe! And what a signing by studio 66 yet again! Looking forward to this beauty more often”.

▪ She would have fitted in at elite, can give no higher praise than that, she is so cute, hope she is on
her own next time.

▪ Finally S66 have signed a proper naturally assetted nightshow performer; I was mesmerised by her
beauty, only two questions spring to mind; when is she on again and more importantly can S66
hold on to her, whatever happens she wins BOTN[9] from me[10].

Arguably this is a consequence of the quest for respectability pursued by the operators and their
engagement with the regulator. It allows performers, support crew and clients to preserve their
dignity. Writing about the US porn industry in the late 1990, David Foster Wallace noted how the
psycho dynamics of shame and self-loathing coupled with the rising acceptability of porn (sex) in
mainstream culture were pushing the industry to extremes to retain its edgy sense of
unacceptability[11]. Studio 66 illustrates a very different trajectory for adult entertainment, with the
normalisation of commercial sexuality and a pride in setting standards.

In the gallery the operator keeps an eye on the competition. A series of monitors are tuned into
competing channels like Storm Babes. Gregory speaks dismissively of their poor lighting and
inept camera work. He also reports the failure of a contracted special interest channel “Deep filth”.
These outliers reinforce the sense of Studio 66 respectability, with in-house rules restricting nudity
(breasts) to the 11-5:30 night slot (different rules for webcam viewers).

Social attitudes still raise forbidding barriers to the carefree socialising of Studio 66 employees.
Most staff have cover stories, often pretending to be working in gambling or shopping channels,
but do run the risk of being caught out when stumbling into aficionados. For the cameramen,
producers and gallery operators social stigma and night work is the price for a rare luxury in the
media industry – stable full time employment. For the performer, of course, the challenge is all the
harder. Most of the women therefore work part time in mainstream occupations, often as
beauticians, which provides an alternate identity.

VOL. 16 NO. 3 2016 j DRUGS AND ALCOHOL TODAY j PAGE 225

A save haven

The flexibility of the studio provides ready opportunities for women to assume a sexualised
fantasy persona without disrupting lifestyles. Bella starts her shift at 10 a.m. and works until 6 with
regular tea, toilet and lunch breaks. She is a beautiful, slim woman in her mid 20s, who works
lying on a bed in the studio. Occasionally she will throw a kiss at the camera, stretch and curl her
lovely legs asking all those “sexy boys out there” to give her a call. She has an easy smile, wide
open eyes and an expression of being truly interested in what he is telling her. The main skill,
however, is to keep talking about very little for minutes on end. Bella’s average caller time is
7.14 minutes. Much of it will be routine, “do you like what I am wearing?” or the customised chat
for regulars like Colin, who gets a special smile. The gift for easy patter, stunning looks and a great
deal of patience seem to be the key qualifications for Studio 66 models.

Some come from other sectors of the adult entertainment industry while others start out and stay in the
chat rooms. Most are part time like Lara who comes in from the West country to work 10-6,
overnighting in the bedroom, then working the 5:30-12:00 shift, and going home. Average earnings are
hard to calculate as each girl negotiates a different hourly rate and cuts the takings from each session
on a 40/60 basis with the studio. Some of the best performers make over 100k a year – part time.

It’s the money that make it so hard for the girls to leave. The insularity and stigma also work against exit
strategies, moreover, a career spent posing and chatting does not help diversify the performer’s
skill set. Leaving the industry therefore means crashing from a professional income to an unskilled
hourly rate. According to Samantha, who herself has just come out of retirement, most girls cannot
do it. They are so used to the spending power they do not save up. She and her boyfriend,
a film performer, now want to save up for a mortgage, and like many a woman in her late 20s,
finds she has to go back to work.

Another obstacle to re-integration is the complex identity that comes with being a glamour model.
The adulation of their clients, the regular customers, and for some, a fan base, feeds fragile egos.
As object of myriad fantasies the girls are simultaneously superbly confident in their powers to
manipulate and yet lacking in self-esteem. Some, especially as they get older, go back to school for
better qualifications while others prepare for business, usually in the personal beauty sector. But
changes in demographics, plus good body care, are extending the life span of erotic performers.
Studio 66 has a Golden Girl channel for the over 40s and only recently retired a working girl in her 60s.

Industry futures

The commercial director of Studio 66 has strong views on the regulatory framework. He believes
there are advantages in having age and credit card checks early on at the browsing stage, as
those who persist in filling in details are more likely to convert into customers. Eliminating some of
the profusion of free pornography available on the internet is also likely to benefit the remaining,
access controlled, commercial channels. He strongly objects to interference with content,
however. While “golden showers” may not have universal appeal, there are niche markets that
should be catered for. Overly zealous restrictions only run the risk of driving the providers
underground and the studios off shore with possibly very different working conditions and profit
sharing arrangements. Keeping the business in the UK has allowed them to create an
environment that meets high working standards without compromising the quality of the product.

The long-term future of the performers is less easy to ascertain. Spending a life time fearing
exposure, fabricating a web of pseudo identities to explain income and absences, must impose a
psychological burden. The social stigma attending to any involvement in the sector draws a veil over
successful passages out of erotica, leaving us to speculate about the successful slide into alternative
careers or the returns on invested earnings. There may well be other costs, such as arrested
personal development, or the prolonged strain of acting out a one-dimensional fantasy with little
room for self-expression. And yet, the telephone and on line relationships that the models do
establish with their clients have created a new communicative dimension that remains unexplored.

Male clients, in turn, may find that exposure to sexual titillation, feeding onanistic fantasies, may
get in the way of forming relationships. It may impede sexual development and certainly impose a
financial burden. In both cases, however, these are risks that adults need to assess for

PAGE 226 j DRUGS AND ALCOHOL TODAY j VOL. 16 NO. 3 2016

themselves. Regulators can set standards and mitigate the risk of erotic content spilling over into
wider other channels where they are more accessible. The greater stringency of controls comes
at the invariable cost of pushing the industry underground, with a more sordid product and
greater risk for models, producers or clients.

For the moment “camming” has shifted the balance of power between performers and
“facilitators”, clients and workers, and reconfigured the relationships between punters and
performers. Eevie, a performer interviewed in Seattle last year, observed that camming has
changed sex work. “I think it’s really humanized us. We’re not just an idea of a person, we’re
actual people. Even if you come for the fantasy and just to see boobs and stuff, you’re gonna
have to work through me first” (McGehee, 2015). Most interesting perhaps is the combination of
web camera encounters, erotic pics and videos with performance, graphic art and short stories
pioneered by Aellea[12] who has her own website. Here erotica becomes a cultivated form of
self-expression using technology as a platform for purveying a product, promoting a body
centred aesthetics and promoting a philosophical ideal. In the opening credo the artist declares
herself “I am an INTP, a libertarian, a gun-owner and a loather of religion”. It’s a rare instance of
turning the tables on a constituency that has been persecuting the erotic art for millennia.

How the regulatory arrangements work out is quite unclear, as the arguments of reason are
conventionally drowned by apocalyptic warnings of moral decay. While this may succeed in closing
particular sites and business models the industry has always managed to adjust. For the moment,
however, camming seems to have achieved an equilibrium between performer safety, client
anonymity and a social relationship that makes good business sense with minimal external costs.

Notes

1. The performers are on their own, the erotic performances are simulated, there is no actual sex.

2. The holding company that owns the station.

3. Greek, from pornē prostitute+graphein to write.

4. Interview with managing director.

5. Staff recount the popular explanation for the demise of the Betamax video format as due to the adoption
of VHS as the standard video format by the porn industry.

6. All names have been changed.

7. Ofcom Broadcast Bulletin Issue 235, 5 August 2013.

8. UK Babe Channels www.babeshows.co.uk/index.php. Studio 66 had 140,959 posts on 27 May 2016.

9. Blog of the night.

10. www.babeshows.co.uk/showthread.php?tid ¼ 65795
11. David Foster Wallace, 1998, Big Red Son.

12. http://profiles.myfreecams.com/Aella

References

McGehee (2015), “Camming is not like any other kind of sex work”, The Stranger, available at: www.
thestranger.com/features/feature/2015/06/10/22360297/camming-is-not-like-any-other-kind-of-sex-work
(accessed 23 March 2016).

Moxon, S. (2009), The Woman Racket: The New Science Explaining How the Sexes Relate at Work, at Play,
and in Society, Imprint Academic, Exeter.

Corresponding author

Axel Klein can be contacted at: axelcklein28@gmail.com

For instructions on how to order reprints of this article, please visit our website:
www.emeraldgrouppublishing.com/licensing/reprints.htm
Or contact us for further details: permissions@emeraldinsight.com

VOL. 16 NO. 3 2016 j DRUGS AND ALCOHOL TODAY j PAGE 227

Reproduced with permission of copyright owner. Further reproduction
prohibited without permission.

Sociology homework help

HYBRID Masculinities- Bridges and Pascoe

“Hybrid Masculinities” refers to the selective incorporation of elements of identity typically associated with various marginalized and subordinated masculinities AND at times, femininities” into privileged men’s gender performances and identities.

DO THESE POINT TO A NEW, LIBERATING DIRECTION?

These transformations include assimilation of bits and pieces of gay, Black, and feminine into masculine performances.

Authors suggest that “hybrid masculinities work in ways that not only reproduce contemporary systems of gendered, raced, and sexual inequalities but also obscure this process as it is happening” (205)

SOME scholars think these are forms of more inclusive masculinity, but Messner argues that these are styles of masculinity rather than significant changes to the institutions of power that men still enjoy. (206). THIS HAS BEEN MORE STYLE OVER SUBSTANCE: HAS NOT CONTRIBUTED TO WOMEN’S EMANCIPATION.

NEW GENDERED PRACTICES AND IDENTITIES OFTEN WORK IN WAYS THAT EITHER PRODUCE NEW FORMS OF INEQUALITY OR CONCEAL EXISTING INEQUALITIES IN NEW WAYS.

Hybrid masculinities among white men is EVIDENCE OF THE FLEXIBILITY OF IDENTITY AFFORDED TO PRIVILEGED GROUPS

MEN OF COLOR, WORKING CLASS MEN, IMMIGRANT MEN, ARE OFTEN (IN)DIRECTLY CAST AS THE POSSESSORS OF REGRESSIVE MASCULINITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF THESE EMERGENT MASCULINITIES.

HYBRID MASCULNITIES STRATEGICALLY BORROW FROM “OTHERS” IN WAYS THAT REFRAME THEMSELVES AS PART OF SUBORDINATED GROUPS, WHICH FURTHER MASKS SOCIAL INEQUALITY:

Men’s appropriation of gay culture to score women

Racialized strategic borrowing: white men adopting Black hip hop culture: STUDIES OF HIP HOP FANS

“Fag” discourse in public schools and youth culture (Pascoe)

Hybrid masculinities demonstrate the flexibility of patriarchy.

Sociology homework help

Integrating Knowledge of Social Policies
Courtney Collins
Chamberlain University
MSW 513: Policy II: Social Policy and Social Justice
Dr. Battle
April 17, 2022

Social Issue

The inequality in the workforce/access to employment for college age immigrants. The main area of concern is that many of these individuals obtain their college diplomas, however, are unable to enter the work force.

Target Population

College age immigrants who are in the workforce.

Severity of Social Issue

Immigrants face hurdles when entering the workforce, those being the lack of appropriate documentation to legally work and language barriers.

Many immigrants are unable to express their needs due to speaking broken English, or sometimes limited English. When looking to apply within the workforce, documents such as a social security cards, birth certificates, pay stubs, ect., are needed and these individuals are unable to obtain them.

Severity of Social Issue

To work within the United States, one would need to provide, school or employment records, birth certificate, driver’s license, and social security card (Guerin, 2021). Due to the lack of having these documentations, there is an increase in immigrants working outside of their desired work area.

Immigrant student population in postsecondary education was around 2.9 million students in 2000, and in 2018, the number was around 5.3 million immigrants pursuing postsecondary education. When looking at those numbers, that is roughly about twenty eight percent of students nationwide (Batalova, 2020).

Immigrants upon graduation are struggling to obtain employment in the field they are skilled in, and or arriving to the United States and obtaining employment once settled.

Severity of Social Issue

According to Bowen & Elejalde-Ruiz (2017), “Those already here say the expertise they brought with them to the U.S. often goes to waste. Lengthy recertification processes, language barriers and employers’ unfamiliarity with foreign credentials hobble immigrants’ efforts to find work in their fields. They take jobs as janitors, babysitters and valets to get by”.

As well as, according to Camarota, Richwine, & Zeigler (2021), “Combined, 64 million natives and immigrants were not working in May 2021 — unemployed or out of the labor force — 4.3 million more than in May 2019”.

Policy Analysis: Policy 1

Immigration and Nationality Act or also known as the McCarran-Walter Act.

According to the U.S Department of Labor, this act, “Prohibits employers (when hiring, discharging, or recruiting or referring for a fee) from discriminating because of national origin against U.S. citizens, U.S. nationals, and authorized aliens or discriminating because of citizenship status against U.S. citizens with work authorization”.

Adopted into action in 1952 and was an amendment to the former Immigration Act of 1924. Provisions throughout the act also helped visa applicants, including those with specialized skills and families whom already resided in the United States obtain their visa’s.

Policy Analysis: Policy 1

Senator Pat McCarran was one of the bill’s primary sponsors. Mr. McCarran felt passion for this act as he thought it was necessary for the nation’s security (Rasmussen, 2022).

Monetary resistance was not a concern, as it simply allowed individuals to have specific rights as other individuals.

Main opposer for the act, Harry Truman. He believed that the passage of this act would actually set the country backwards. He felt as though the current quota system was just enough and nothing more was needed for immigrants.

Policy is great to be in existence, however, there are still guidelines and regulations when it comes to obtaining a work authorization, therefore without the proper documents, immigrants with degrees can still hit the wall of not obtaining employment.

Policy Analysis: Policy 2

The Dream Act.

Unfortunately, this policy has not been enacted. Has hit the executive floor several times, the first being in 2001. Since 2001, 11 different purposes have occurred.

Luis Gutierrez was one of the first representatives to back the act in 2001.

Policy Analysis: Policy 2

Three steps within the Dream Act: Conditional permanent residence, Lawful permanent residence, and Naturalization.

Step one, conditional permanent residence would grant legal status to specific undocumented immigrants specifically those who arrived in the United States as a child and those who received education, graduated high school or obtained their GED here (American Immigration Council, 2021).

Step two, lawful permanent residence would allow those who have acquired a higher education degree, served in the military or have worked a total of three years or at least 75 percent of the time having an employment authorization to obtain citizenship.

Step three, naturalization would grant citizenship to those individuals who
have had lawful permanent residence for five years. If this act would pass, many immigrants who have received a diploma within the United States would be able to join the workforce and achieve their dream and practicing in the field of there interest.

Policy Analysis: Policy 2

Currently there are two versions of the Dream Act before congress, the Dream Act of 2021 and the Dream and Promise Act of 2021.

Two main legislators who support the passage of this act are Senators Dick Durbin and Lindsey Graham (American Immigration Council, 2021).

The Dream and Promise Act of 2021 is backed by representative Lucille Roybal-Allard.

Those in Congress who are in opposition of the Dream Act feel that
this act would encourage individuals to illegally migrate into the United States.

Policy Analysis

Jansson (2018),expresses “Stakeholders are persons with a vested interest in a specific policy or issue being contested”. (pg.74)

Stakeholders for the policies on immigrants are politicians

Gaining backing from political parties, has the persuasion that is needed to pass the Dream Act.

CDC Policy Framework

CDC evaluation framework to the Immigration and Nationality
Act. The CDC aims to look at if the policy is achieving the goal set forth for the target
population.

This act’s the primary goal was intended to eliminate discrimination within in workforce for citizens of different ethnicities who had work authorization.

It did achieve the goal, however, receiving the work authorization still posed an issue for some immigrants. Through provisions made within the act, it expanded the allowance for individuals to receive visa’s if they were specialized in a trade. That is where the target population for this paper has received great strides in success.

This policy however, does not address immigrants entering the workforce specifically.

CDC Policy Framework

CDC evaluation for the Dream Act that is not implemented yet, the target population is immigrants who were born in the United States or whom have been in the United States since childhood.

Policy goal: to grant immigrant individuals citizenship so they can further their life and better their future. The policy focuses on education, entering the workforce, obtaining citizenship for thousands of immigrants from multiple different backgrounds. The implantation of this act would serve the target population once put into action.

CDC Policy Framework

Attached on the next slide is the table from the CDC showing how the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Dream Act compare to one another when looking at inequality in the workforce/access to employment for college age immigrants. Both score exactly the same.

Although, both policies aim to provide the same outcome and that is equality to those who are immigrants, the policy that presents the best legislative solution for the target population is the Dream Act, due to the focus on the actual workforce incentive.

Funding for both policies are slim to none to actually implement.

CDC Policy Table

New Policy Proposal

The new policy would be the passage of the Dream Act. As stated before the Dream Act would help many immigrants within the United States.

Current gaps and deficiencies associated with the existing policy are immigrants fear being deported every day, even though they have lived in the U.S. since birth.

Current policy lacks inclusion of immigrants within the workforce.

For feasibility and integrity of the Dream Act, no outside funding would be needed for the passage.

The benefits would be the inclusion of thousands of individuals that have a set skillset join the workforce in their desired areas.

Social Media Campaign

The Dream Act has used social media to spread the word and stories of many immigrants, however, the workforce inclusion has not been a specific topic discussed. Many immigrants have shared the horror stories and treatment they have experienced, and advocated for change on several posts to inform the public.

According to Garcia (2019), “Using slogans such as “Undocumented and Unafraid” or “Undocumented, Unafraid, and Apologetic”, has been a campaign for the Dream Act.

From this, immigrants have been able to capture the minds of political parties’ affiliates and voice their wishes.

Other Social Media Ideas

Future social media campaign ideas:

1)Have immigrants post about their challenges

2) Have supporters post about the benefits and unfairness as well.

This would show that others besides immigrants feel strongly about this issue and feel that change needs to occur.

Conclusion

The purpose of this PowerPoint was to bring to light the social issue of college age immigrants within the workforce. Providing background and knowledge on the topic, discussing current policies, looking at the development of a new policy to address the issue, utilizing the CDC policy framework within policy development and to determine how the utilization of social media can affect policy.

References

Batalova, J. (2020, October). Immigrant-origin students in U.S. higher education. Retrieved March 14, 2022, from https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/immigrant-origin-students-postsecondary-ed-final.pdf

Bowen, A., & Elejalde-Ruiz, A. (2017, March 27). Skilled immigrants often struggle to put degrees, credentials to use in U.S. chicagotribune.com. Retrieved March 14, 2022, from https://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-merit-immigration-brain-waste-20170326-story.html

Camarota, S. A., Richwine, J., & Zeigler , K. (2021, July 19). The employment situation of immigrants and natives in May 2021. CIS.org. Retrieved March 14, 2022, from https://cis.org/Report/Employment-Situation-Immigrants-and-Natives-May-2021

Garcia, Y. (2019, January 18). Social Media, politics, and the Dream Movement. Queens Latino. Retrieved April 4, 2022, from https://queenslatino.com/social-media-politics-dream-movement-yohan-garcia/

Guerin, L. (2021, June 3). Documentation required to work in the United States. www.nolo.com. Retrieved March 14, 2022, from https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/employee-rights-book/chapter16-3.html

Immigration. United States Department of Labor. (2022). Retrieved March 14, 2022, from https://www.dol.gov/general/topic/discrimination/immdisc

Jansson, B. S. (2018). Becoming an effective policy advocate: from policy practice to social justice. Brooks/Cole.

Rasmussen, S. (2022). Immigration and nationality act of 1952. Ballotpedia. Retrieved April 4, 2022, from https://ballotpedia.org/Immigration_and_Nationality_Act_of_1952

The DREAM act: An overview. American Immigration Council. (2021, March 16). Retrieved March 13, 2022, from https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/dream-act-overview

Sociology homework help

SOCI 2730: GENDER IN SOCIETY

MIDTERM REVIEW SHEET

*Midterm will be a combination of identification, short essay, and long essay questions.

You may use your own work/previous writing you have done for this class, your own lecture notes, and your own reading notes. You may not use actual course readings.

*Not all of the following will be on the midterm, but many will.

POSSIBLE SHORT ESSAY QUESTIONS: (5 of these will appear on the exam. Each answer should approximate a full paragraph)

1) Why does Ryan distinguish between trans* and transgender in their essay about full trans inclusion in gay liberation and feminist movements? What does this distinction have to do with gender?

2) Why does Nancy Scheper-Hughes claim that “maternal bonding” is actually embedded in culture and economic privilege rather than in mothers’ biology? How does maternal neglect and infant death in Brazil challenge the idea that mother love is biologically determined?

3) Peggy McIntosh describes (white) privilege as an “invisible, weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools, and blank checks.” Why does she describe it this way? And why does she call it “invisible?”

4) Yen Le Espiritu argues that all men do not benefit equally from male domination and patriarchy. Using Asian men as an example, what evidence does she provide to make this point? Make sure to address the role of racism in shaping Asian men’s experiences.

5) Why does Audre Lorde argue that it is important to first recognize differences between women (rather than only similarities) in order to create feminist solidarity between women? Why does she claim this so hard to do?

6) What does it mean to say that we “do” gender? In what ways does Betsy Lucal’s experience of living on the margins of the binary gender system demonstrate how gender is an interactional process (rather than a fixed property of individual bodies)?

7) Why does Jane Ward claim that the men who solicit sex from other men on Craigslist’s “casual encounters” are actually not closeted gay men? What evidence does she use to support her analysis?

POSSIBLE LONG ESSAY QUESTIONS: Two of these will appear on the exam. Each essay will require you to draw on at least three readings to support your analysis. Each essay should be a minimum of three paragraphs.

1) What does it mean to say that gender is “socially constructed?” Provide examples and evidence to illustrate this concept, and in your discussion make sure to explain the key difference between “sex” and “gender.”

2) How does gender inequality intersect with other axes of inequality (i.e. racism, class inequality, homophobia, transphobia, etc.) to produce different experiences of gender for different people?

3) Explain the concept of “hegemonic masculinity” and how this links to related concepts of “hybrid masculinities” and “racial patriarchy.”

POSSIBLE CONCEPTS: According to your authors, films, and lectures, how do any of these concepts help to explain the ways in which gender, sexuality, and intersectionality shape society? 2-3 sentences each. Up to 5 of these will appear on the exam

“racial patriarchy”

“Barbie Girls vs. Sea Monsters”

“sociobiology”

“liberal feminism”

“radical feminism”

“socialist feminism”

“multiracial feminism”

“five sexes proposal”

“gender binary”

“GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and gender”

“doing gender”

“gendered organizations”

“second wave feminism”

2

Sociology homework help

Gender Socialization: Birth to Childhood

Five Sexes Revisited: Fausto-Sterling

Why does she propose a 5-sex system?

“LESS WELL KNOWN IS THE FACT THAT, ON CLOSE INSPECTION, ABSOLUTE DIMORPHISM DISINTEGRATES EVEN AT THE LEVEL OF BASIC BIOLOGY. CHROMOSOMES, HORMONES, THE INTERNAL SEX STRUCTURES, THE GONADS AND THE EXTERNAL GENETALIA ALL VARY MORE THAN MOST PEOPLE REALIZE.”

”Sex” can mean genetic/chromosomal, hormonal, anatomic levels

Intersexuality has always been treated as a medical emergency

Treatment has been traditionally done in the following spirit: “Nature intended the baby to be the boy or the girl that the physicians determined it was. Through surgery, the physicians were merely completing nature’s intention.”(15)

“SUCCESSFUL” ASSIGNMENTS HAVE BEEN TRADITIONALLY BEEN DEFINED AS LIVING AS THAT GENDER AS A HETEROSEXUAL.

But a new wave of treatment is advocating reversible surgeries, and a focus on therapy, not surgery.

We still need a new classification system. Medical establishment nomenclature still hasn’t caught up with reality of sex AND gender presentation.

Barbie Girls versus Sea Monsters: Children Constructing Gender- Messner

Previous Scholarship: Gender is a “top-down” process of socialization

Children are active agents in the creation of their worlds (inspired by Thorne’s Gender Play)

MAJOR FINDING:

GENDER VARIES IN SALIENCE FROM SITUATION TO SITUATION

MAGNIFIED MOMENT: what happened at the soccer game?

This was not just a gendered performance. Certain historical, social, and political conditions enable and constrain certain performances.

Messner says that there is nothing accidental about magnified moments- they do not happen randomly, they happen when 3 major factors come together:

The structural context: structure of AYSO

Interactional level: gendered groups interacting after being segregated

The level of cultural symbol: kids’ agency and use of cultural symbols

Sociology homework help

Week 4 reponse 1 449

Aishla Martinez

Blessing to all,

When we take a look at what the Family Systems Theory shows us that family should be treated as a whole, and not separated from one another. The bases of this theory is that family nucleus is  to ensure that everyone can carry out their daily tasks while maintaining good relationship and ensuring the development of one another. However, this theory also shows the importance of creating boundaries. This mean being able to have rules and limits with internal and external families. A lot of families are big on “ what happens in the house stay in the house” Meaning that whatever you hear and see you should never divulge it to anyone else. This mean that a lot of the times having input from an external source can be very difficult. Some social workers have difficulties dealing with families who has placed a lot of boundaries in terms of information. For some families with some liberty in creating boundaries, the information about the family come and go for social workers. Thus, social workers can work freely. On the other hand, there are some families who has placed too much boundaries in the flow of information. As a result, social workers working for these families are having a hard time gathering information. Family homeostasis means each family member can adjust to one another in case there is any abrupt change. A social worker can use Family Homeostasis to explain why a certain family symptom has developed over time. In Family Homeostasis, there are feedback loops which can be categorized as negative and positive. 

 

Reference

Direct Social Work Practice: Theory and Skills Hepworth, D., Rooney, R. , Dewberry Rooney, G. & Strom-Gotfried, K.

Sociology homework help


Sociology presentation

For this assignment, you will choose a recent movie, television show, or book that you will examine using themes and concepts learned in this course. Choosing a favorite or particularly meaningful book or movie will help to make the assignment more enjoyable. You are not limited to any genre; the artifact may be current or older and could be cross cultural, such as a film from another country.

1. Select an artifact. Your instructor will let you know if you should submit your choice for approval and may provide a list of artifacts for you to choose from, as well.

2. explain how specific sociological concepts covered in the course are illustrated in your artifact.

a. You do not have to choose to illustrate concepts from a specific module; any of the module content from Modules 1- 6 may be covered.

b. If needed, include a short synopsis of the movie, book, or TV show to provide foundation for the analysis.

c. Do not try to analyze too many concepts in your artifact; 4-5 concepts are sufficient for the time allowed

3. Cite your work.

Here are a list of possible tv shows/movies you can use for your presentation: PICK ONE

Films

The Butler

Mississippi Burning

American History X

Remember the Titans

Iron Jawed Angels

Television Shows

The Cosby Show

Sex and the City

Everybody Loves Raymond

Scandal

Being Mary Jane

Gray’s Anatomy

Blackish

Grownish

Harlem

Crazy Rich Asians

Sociology homework help

Human Behavior Theory Paper

Due on May 1, 2022

The purpose of this paper is for you to demonstrate your ability to apply theories from class to your own life and explore how you have developed some understanding of origins of your own behaviors and beliefs.

To begin this self-exploration paper,
choose one
of the following developmental stages in your life:

· Emerging adulthood

· Young adulthood

· Middle adulthood

A. Describe how your physical and social development fit, or did not fit, the developmental milestones that we read about in our required readings associated with the stage that you selected. Use stories and describe major events and other sources of significant influences such as people to explain. Cite the reading source (e.g., textbook and or articles) and apply the source(s) to explain what you write.

B. Next,
apply two of the theories
that we studied this semester to explain what was happening in your life during the developmental stage that you chose to review. Support and cite your points with the content from our reading.

C. Finally, explore and explain how the developmental period in your life that you chose to explore has influenced
your current identity
. Consider your gender identity/expression, sexual orientation, socioeconomic experiences and/or racial and ethnic identities as applicable. Again, support and cite with content from our reading.

The information you provide about yourself is entirely confidential. My evaluation of your paper will be based on:

· The completeness of your paper

· Your apparent understanding of two of the theories of human development

· The extent to which your paper reflects the themes and concepts studied in this course

· Your critical analysis of your development during one stage of your life as a human being

· The quality of your writing, organization, and mechanics

· Correct use of APA formatting – be sure to organize your paper using APA headings. An abstract is NOT required.

Use your textbook and other content from our course readings to complete this assignment. You DO NOT and should not use other sources.

The paper should be approximately 5-6 pages in length.
Do not forget to use full APA formatting!

Sociology homework help

Genetic Screening

In the United States, most state health departments require screening for genetic disorders in newborns. Some states go so far as to require pre-marriage genetic testing, where they examine the potential parents for risk of genetic disorders in their offspring. It’s worth noting, however, that some states allow for exemptions from testing based on religious convictions or other established reasons.

Initially please state whether or not you believe it’s appropriate for states to require pre-marriage genetic testing. Explain your reasoning and support your position with credible resources.

Remember to be respectful of others’ views even when you disagree.

Sociology homework help

Fax +41 61 306 12 34
E-Mail karger@karger.ch
www.karger.com

Behavioural Science Section

Gerontology 2009;55:582–591
DOI: 10.1159/000227322

Midlife Crisis: A Debate

Alexandra M. Freund Johannes O. Ritter

University of Zurich, Department of Psychology, Zurich , Switzerland

coworker who is 24 years his junior for quite a while and
they have been having a passionate affair for a few weeks.
Tom has had a fairly successful career as a loan officer in
a bank, but is thinking about making a career change as
he feels he has got as far as he can in this line of work and
finds the thought of spending the rest of his working life
as a loan officer unsettling. He is also currently thinking
about buying a sports car – a red convertible…

Most people would say that Tom seems to be going
through a midlife crisis. All of the ‘symptoms’ appear to
fit perfectly. But consider Tom’s story again and imagine
he were 29 instead of 49 years of age. Would the ‘symp-
toms’ of starting an affair with a 25-year-old woman,
thinking about making a career change and about buying
a fancy red convertible sports car seem odd? Maybe men
of all ages are susceptible to the attractiveness of 25-year-
old women, the possibilities of other jobs, and the lure of
fast cars? On what basis, then, do people neglect the base
rate of these wishes and behaviors at any point across
adulthood and view them as symptoms of a crisis when
they occur in midlife? One might argue that the same be-
havior takes on a different meaning when displayed un-
der different circumstances and that the behavior of the
29-year-old Tom is perfectly in line with social expecta-
tions for young adulthood, whereas the behavior of 49-
year-old Tom does not conform with age-related expecta-
tions for middle adulthood. In fact, one might believe
that these behaviors are indicative of an underlying fear
of aging.

In this article, we will discuss the pros and cons of the
concept of the midlife crisis. In this discussion, we will

Key Words

Midlife crisis � Time perspective � Social expectations � Life
review

Abstract

Without doubt, the midlife crisis is the most popular concept
describing middle adulthood. Facing the limitation of the
time until death, men in particular are believed to pause
from actively pursuing their goals and review their achieve-
ments, take stock of what they have and have not yet ac-
complished, at times taking drastic measures to fulfill their
dreams. This paper critically discusses the concept of a
midlife crisis and the relevant empirical evidence, present-
ing arguments for and against a strict, a moderate, and a le-
nient conceptualization of the midlife crisis. Although a strict
and even moderate definition of the midlife crisis does not
seem tenable on empirical and theoretical grounds, a le-
nient conceptualization has the potential to stimulate new
research directions exemplifying processes of the interac-
tion of social expectations on the one hand and personal
goals on the other, and their importance for developmental
regulation. Copyright © 2009 S. Karger AG, Basel

Tom, a 49-year-old man with a slight paunch and a
receding hairline, has been married for 21 years and has
2 children who are about to leave home. For some time,
he has been wondering if his marriage has run out of
steam. He has been romantically interested in a female

Received: November 13, 2008
Accepted: March 25, 2009
Published online: July 2, 2009

Alexandra M. Freund
University of Zurich, Department of Psychology
Binzmühlestrasse 14/11, CH–8050 Zurich (Switzerland)
Tel. +41 44 635 7200, Fax +41 44 635 7290
E-Mail freund@psychologie.uzh.ch

© 2009 S. Karger AG, Basel
0304–324X/09/0555–0582$26.00/0

Accessible online at:
www.karger.com/ger

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Midlife Crisis Gerontology 2009;55:582–591 583

review the theoretical and empirical arguments speaking
for and against the fruitfulness of this concept. However,
we will first clarify what age span signifies midlife.

Characterizing Middle Adulthood

The definition of midlife seems straightforward: at the
middle of a person’s life. Based on the average human life
expectancy, this is at age 32.5 for men and age 34.75 for
women [1] . Even a cursory look at the popular press shows
that age 30 is a cultural marker for leaving youth behind
and becoming a fully f ledged adult and having to take on
all the responsibilities of adulthood in the domains of job,
finances, and family. Nevertheless, most adults approach-
ing or above age 30 in western, industrialized nations
would probably not say that the early thirties should be
considered ‘middle age’. In fact, this ref lects that life ex-
pectancy in most modern, industrialized countries lies
around 80 years, locating midlife at around 40 years of
age.

The middle of life, however, is a point in the life
span and not the same as the phase of midlife. Reviewing
the literature on middle adulthood, Staudinger and Bluck
[2] conclude that middle adulthood is typically seen as
starting at age 40 and extending to age 60, but with vague
and fuzzy boundaries regarding beginning and end. In
fact, the fuzziness of the boundaries of middle adulthood
is apparent in the samples of studies on midlife that en-
compass ages 30–70 [3, 4] . Lachman et al. [5] found that
the timing of midlife depends on the age of the person
asked: for middle-aged and older adults, on average,
midlife is seen as starting at age 40 (ranging from age 30
to 55) and ending at age 60 (again, with a large range from
age 45 to 75). In contrast, for younger adults, middle
adulthood is seen as being at a younger age, namely, be-
tween age 35 and 55. In a survey with of 374 young, mid-
dle-aged, and older adults that we conducted in Switzer-
land for the purpose of this article, respondents reported
viewing middle adulthood as starting at age 35 and end-
ing at age 53. Although there was a great deal of interin-
dividual variability (SD = 7.5 years for starting age and
SD = 9.5 years for ending age), the variability did not stem
from systematic age differences of the respondents
( fig. 1 ).

Chronological age, then, might not be the best defini-
tional criterion for middle adulthood. According to
Staudinger and Bluck [2] , this phase is better defined in
terms of the main developmental events or tasks. As re-
ported by Borland [3] , however, there is substantial dis-

agreement about which of the following better describes
middle adulthood: Is it a time of increased financial re-
sponsibility for one’s children as well as one’s parents; a
decline in physical stamina and health; a professional pla-
teau accompanied by disappointment, boredom, and
frustration; emotional loss as one’s children leave home
and/or one’s parents die; a phase of married life lacking
in excitement? Or is it more a time of personal freedom
with peak performance and higher workplace status,
good physical health, satisfying marital life after one’s
children have left home, and expanding social net-
works?

Although recently progress has been made with re-
spect to research on middle adulthood, kindled primar-
ily by ‘MIDUS’, a large-scale study on successful midlife
development [4, 6, 7] , Levinson’s [ 8, p. x ] 30-year-old as-
sessment still appears to be valid: ‘Middle age is usually
regarded as a vague interim period, defined primarily in
negative terms. One is no longer young and yet not quite
old’.

Time Perspective
Neugarten [9] proposed a change in time perspective

as one of the main psychological characteristics of middle
adulthood. According to Neugarten, middle adulthood is
characterized by a switch from perceiving one’s life pri-
marily as ‘time since birth’ to ‘time left to live’. To our
knowledge, there are no empirical studies investigating
this proposed switch or whether a substantial group of

20

65

Young adults

(<35 years)

Middle-aged adults

(35–60 years)

Older adults

(>60 years)

Entry age Exit age

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

Fig. 1. Entry and exit age for middle adulthood as rated by young,
middle-aged, and older adults.

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Freund/Ritter

Gerontology 2009;55:582–591584

middle-aged people feel that they have just as much time
left as has already passed. However, empirical evidence
that future time perspective changes across adulthood
does exist. With increasing age, future time perspective
decreases [9 , but see 11 for evidence suggesting a longer
future time perspective in middle adulthood]. According
to Nuttin [12] , time perspective is a central motivational
dimension. Future perspective is important for life plan-
ning and the selection of personal goals as well as the
evaluation of the present [13, 14] . When perceiving the
future as open-ended, people set goals that are oriented
towards gaining new information and accumulating
more resources. In contrast, when perceiving the future
as limited, people set goals that help them regulate their
emotions [15] . Maybe, one could argue, the so-called
midlife crisis is an attempt to regulate one’s emotions
stemming from the realization that death is no longer an
abstract fact of life, but a personal event that will end
one’s life in the foreseeable future. This constitutes what
Jacques [16] termed the ‘midlife crisis’ in his 1965 article
entitled ‘Death and the midlife crisis’, which was primar-
ily a historical analysis of the works of artists and some
psychoanalytic case studies.

Motivational Changes
If, as Neugarten [9] proposed, middle-aged adults per-

ceive their future as being limited, they should also expe-
rience a motivational shift from an orientation towards

achieving gains to one towards maintenance and the
avoidance of loss [17] . In the eyes of the young, mainte-
nance might be seen as a sign of stagnation rather than
the conservation of something positively valued and
worth preserving. Realizing that the future is not open-
ended and that it might become more and more difficult
to set new life goals and to achieve ever higher levels of
functioning could create in some the feeling of a lack of
options concerning how to lead one’s life, of being stuck
with the choices one has made earlier in life, of being
trapped by the demands and obligations in one’s job and
family ( fig. 2 ). In keeping with this theme of middle
adulthood as the beginning of decline, one of the meta-
phors frequently used for the middle of life is that of ‘be-
ing over the hill’ [e.g. 18 ]. This is the perspective of the
midlife crisis. The popularity of the midlife crisis concept
is illustrated by data from our internet survey. 92% of the
respondents said that they believed in the existence of a
midlife crisis. 71% reported that they personally knew
somebody who either has had or is having a midlife crisis.
The mean age for experiencing a midlife crisis was placed
at 47.5 years (SD = 8.06 years).

Characterizing the Midlife Crisis
According to Brim [ 19 , p. 6, 20 ] ‘the concept of ‘crisis’,

in mid-life and at other times, implies a rapid or substan-
tial change in personality…, which is dislocating with
respect to one’s sense of identity – his usual reference
groups, his role models, his principles, his values, his dy-
adic relationships. So the whole framework of his earlier
life is in question’.

Why should such a crisis be more likely to occur in
middle adulthood? Whereas young adulthood is typical-
ly conceptualized as the phase of beginnings (e.g. finding
a life partner, founding a family, starting a career), mid-
dle-aged adults are expected to have settled down, estab-
lished a career, and have a firm sense of identity. Tamir
[20] proposed that this might be the first time in a man’s
life when he ref lects upon himself and measures his
achievements according to the standards that he set when
he was young (‘The Dream’, as Levinson [8] calls it). Re-
viewing and seriously evaluating one’s life for the first
time ‘may constitute a significantly new and potentially
stressful experience for the man who has been so self-
contained’ [ 20 , p. 161]; Tamir assumes here that women
are more self-ref lective by nature and hence not rattled
when entering middle adulthood. Such a ref lection and
the realization that one’s reality does not measure up to
the dreams and goals one had in young adulthood might
then lead to the pressure of changing one’s life while there

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Young adults

(<35 years)

Middle-aged adults

(35–60 years)

Older adults

(>60 years)

Negative view

Positive view

Midlife as full of opportunities

Fig. 2. Middle adulthood is seen primarily as a positive time of life
and full of new possibilities. Mean ratings, SDs, n = 364.

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Midlife Crisis Gerontology 2009;55:582–591 585

is still time to do so. Levinson et al. [ 21, p. 49 ] proposed
that the re-evaluation of one’s life up to middle adulthood
is accompanied by depression, anxiety, and ‘manic f light’.
Note that this concept of a crisis is clearly a negative one.
Resolving the crisis, however, is believed to further devel-
opment (similar to Erikson’s [22] notion of development
as a succession of crises that have to be solved at a certain
age).

Many attribute the concept of ‘midlife crisis’ to Levin-
son, although it was originally proposed by Jacques [16] .
One of the reasons for this might be that Jacques’ theoriz-
ing is strongly psychoanalytic and based on historical
analyses of famous artists and a few clinical case studies.
In contrast, Levinson’s work was based on more system-
atic interviews with larger samples of nonclinical adults
(although his samples were also neither representative
nor, according to common standards, large) and embed-
ded in a more general theory of development. In short,
Levinson [e.g. 23 ] proposed that development occurs in
consecutive stages characterized by specific developmen-
tal tasks and linked by equally important transition phas-
es lasting about 5 years. According to Levinson, the de-
velopmental stages and their connecting transition phas-
es are strongly age-linked. The midlife transition links
the era of early and middle adulthood and occurs be-
tween age 40 and 45. This phase is characterized by a re-
appraisal of one’s past and a modification of one’s life
structure with respect to marital relations and work. Re-
appraising the past, according to Levinson, is a painful
process because it means ‘de-illusionment’ and is related
to disappointment or even a cynical attitude towards life.
Some men might even ‘feel bereft and have the experience
of suffering an irreparable loss’ [ 8, p. 193]. This phase of
internal and external turmoil and change is what Levin-
son calls the midlife crisis and it constitutes a necessary
and important step towards entering middle adulthood.

An alternative to Levinson’s [8] conception of the
midlife transition as a period of crisis is the perspective
that middle adulthood is a phase of peak functioning in
both the social and the professional domains [e.g. 9 ]. Ac-
cording to a third perspective on middle adulthood pri-
marily put forth by personality psychologists [e.g. 24 ], not
much happens in middle adulthood: this is a phase of sta-
bility, development having been completed when adult-
hood was reached. According to this perspective, high
neuroticism increases the likelihood of a crisis at any
transition point, including middle adulthood.

In the following, we will discuss the usefulness of the
concept of ‘midlife crisis’ from a theoretical as well as an
empirical viewpoint. We will start by presenting three

conceptualizations of midlife crisis that vary in their de-
gree of specification and leniency. We will examine each
of these conceptualizations with respect to how fruitful
each of them is for understanding life span development
in general and midlife in particular.

According to the strict definition of the term ‘midlife
crisis’ as proposed by Levinson, the transition from early
to middle adulthood (a) is normative (i.e. the majority of
people experience it), (b) is temporally bound to a spe-
cific age range, and (c) comprises structural markers that
distinguish it from other transitions. A moderate concep-
tualization defines ‘midlife crisis’ as a troublesome tran-
sition phase that occurs normatively during middle adult-
hood, but is not necessarily distinct from other forms of
crises that occur at other times during the life span such
as adolescence. This conceptualization only includes two
of the definitional criteria (a and b). A lenient conceptu-
alization of the term ‘midlife crisis’ assumes that some,
but not all, people experience a difficult transition into
middle adulthood, thus including only one of the defini-
tional criteria (b).

Strict Definition of the Term ‘Midlife Crisis’

Proponent
The strict definition of ‘midlife crisis’ (namely, norma-

tive, bound to a specific phase in the life span, and struc-
turally different from other crises) is in line with one of
the main assumptions of life span development, namely,
that development is a lifelong process and that there is no
primacy of one developmental phase over another [25] . It
is also in line with the assumption that development can
best be understood as the interplay of personal goals and
external structures, such as opportunity structures and
social norms [26, 27] . Based on these assumptions, it is
possible to establish characteristics that distinguish the
midlife crisis from other transitions and show how this
crisis is linked to a specific time in the life span.

Evaluation of Goal Achievement
The personal goals of younger adults typically reach

into middle adulthood [28, 29] . Prototypical examples are
‘starting a career’ or ‘starting a family’. Hence, middle
adulthood can be regarded as the temporal target area of
young people’s personal long-term goals. This time frame
suggests that, at some point during middle adulthood,
people very likely revisit their goals and evaluate their ac-
complishments with respect to these standards and as-
sess whether the emotional gratification obtained from

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their accomplishments matches their expectations. As
has been convincingly shown in the context of research
on the hedonic treadmill, the positive effects of reaching
one’s goals are typically short-lived (for an excellent re-
view, see [30] ). Moreover, people have been shown to mis-
predict their future experience by overestimating the im-
pact of an affective event such as goal achievement [31]
and often fail to make choices or set goals that actually
make them happy [32] . The temporal distance of goals set
in young adulthood also affects the cognitive representa-
tion and affective evaluation of these goals. From the dis-
tant perspective of youth, the goal is represented in ab-
stract terms and carries a positive overall value, whereas
from the closer distance of middle adulthood, the repre-
sentation is more concrete and more negative details
come to the fore [33] . For example, the anticipated joy of
having a family might be clouded by sleepless nights due
to a newborn family member. For these reasons, it seems
likely that people will feel less fulfilled in middle adult-
hood than they thought they would when they were
younger – even if they have reached the goals they set for
themselves when they were younger.

Setting of New Goals
Given the loss of cognitive as well as physical resourc-

es that people face in middle adulthood and the changes
in social expectations [e.g. 34 ], they also have to set new
goals in line with the internal and external changes char-
acterizing middle adulthood. The setting of new goals
might be stressful because of the central role of goals for
development. Personal goals are a primary source of
meaning and direction for an individual [e.g. 35 ]. They
structure the life course, provide value and motivation
for actions over time and across situations and contribute
to psychological well-being and life satisfaction across
adulthood [26, 36, 37] . Having to revise old and set new
goals is potentially highly stressful because during such
a transition phase the old goals are no longer operative,
but new goals that could guide behavior and provide
meaning do not yet exist.

Apart from the temporal loss of guidance and the
meaning provided by personal goals and the ambivalent
results of the achievement evaluation, the setting of new
guiding goals in middle adulthood might also be diffi-
cult. In contrast to young and middle adulthood, older
adulthood is less structured by developmental tasks and
opportunity structures, providing less external support
for the setting of new goals [14, 38] .

A restricted future time perspective further compli-
cates the setting of new goals in middle adulthood [9] . A

limited future time perspective might be associated with
the knowledge that repairs of mistakes or revisions of
goals become more and more difficult or even impossi-
ble. Whereas central goals are safeguarded until middle
adulthood by temporal resources that allow for revisions,
compensation for setbacks, or even new attempts in case
of failure, goals for the second half of life are associated
with increasing scarcity of temporal resources and the
finality of decisions. The selection of goals, then, might
feel much more consequential in middle adulthood. This
insecurity might lead people to set the very same kinds of
goals with which they have gained security about their
life path in young adulthood, namely what career they
want to pursue, what kind of a romantic relationship they
want to have and with whom. According to Erikson [22] ,
this can be regarded as a form of stagnation.

Although the strict conceptualization of the midlife
crisis based on personal goals proposed here is somewhat
different from traditional accounts of midlife crisis [8,
16] , the phenomenology is strikingly similar: increased
introspection and self-evaluation, awareness of time
passing, and considerations of forgone or missed chances
and opportunities [39] . In their study on midlife crisis in
men, Hermans and Oles [ 40 , p. 1419] concluded that
midlife crisis is ‘characterized by a discontinuity between
the achievements in the past and the expectations for the
future’. Moreover, men in a midlife crisis associated more
negative and less positive affect with their personal future
and ambivalent feelings regarding the personal past. This
very well fits the hypothesis that a midlife crisis is associ-
ated with an ambivalent evaluation of past accomplish-
ments and the struggle for new personal goals.

Counterpart
Using a goal perspective to conceptualize the strict

definition of the midlife crisis has a number of problems
that render doubtful its fruitfulness for understanding
development across adulthood. The first argument con-
cerns the view that goals set during adolescence and
young adulthood are used as standards of comparison for
assessing one’s achievements in middle adulthood. This
is highly unlikely for two reasons. First, goals are dynam-
ic and change over time. Personal goals can be seen as
cognitive representations of future desired or undesired
states that are to be achieved or avoided [e.g. 41 ]. These
representations, however, are not fixed, but change de-
pending on various factors such as temporal distance [see
above, 33] , availability of resources and age [e.g. 17] , and
the likelihood of achievement [e.g. 36] . As elaborated by
Brandtstädter and Greve [42] , people constantly adjust

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Midlife Crisis Gerontology 2009;55:582–591 587

their level of aspiration and the content of their goals de-
pending on changes in themselves or their environment.
The adjustment of goals that might even occur outside of
conscious awareness is not bound to a specific point in
one’s life, but typically occurs gradually over time. There-
fore, it is extremely unlikely that people will recall the
exact formulation of their goals from adolescence and
hold them as yardsticks against which they measure their
achievements. Instead, their goals will have changed
throughout adulthood.

Second, the assessment of success or failure is often
difficult due to the abstractness of long-term goals. For
instance, what are the criteria for success for the goal
‘having a happy family’? For some, this might entail hav-
ing fun on outings with one’s spouse and children; for
some, the main criterion might be the level of disclosure;
for others it might be that the children do not take drugs.
Again, these criteria are not set once and for all. In fact,
the more abstract a goal, the less clear the criteria for suc-
cess. As has been shown in the context of evaluating one’s
memory performance, changes in criteria according to
one’s achievements allow people to attain and maintain a
fairly positive overall evaluation of themselves [42] . Also,
most people hold a positive view of themselves and are
fairly satisfied with their lives throughout the life span,
including middle adulthood [e.g. 43] . This finding speaks
against the proposition that middle-aged adults view
their accomplishments as falling short of their earlier
standards and as insufficient.

The third argument is directed against the proposition
that it might be difficult to set new goals in middle adult-
hood because old age is less well structured by social
norms and expectations. In fact, there are clear social ex-
pectations regarding both the family and the profession-
al domain in middle adulthood. Therefore, the setting of
personal goals in middle adulthood is guided by age-re-
lated social norms and expectations. It is old age that is
the least well structured and hence places the greatest de-
mands on the individual regarding the selection of per-
sonal goals [for a more detailed discussion of changes on
demands on goal setting across adulthood, see 14] . If at
all, a crisis regarding goal setting, then, should not occur
in middle but in late adulthood, when people retire and
no longer have children or parents to take care of.

A fourth problem with the strict conceptualization of
‘midlife crisis’ is the assumption that people basically de-
cide upon the same kinds of goals in midlife that they
selected in younger adulthood (i.e. professional career,
romantic partnership, lifestyle). When the future time
perspective is perceived as limited, as is the case in middle

adulthood, it is more likely that people adopt mainte-
nance goals instead of starting afresh with goals aimed at
new achievements. Empirical research by Ebner et al. [17]
has shown that middle-aged adults are more likely than
younger adults to adopt maintenance goals. In contrast,
younger adults show a clear preference for personal goals
that aim at achieving new gains. Moreover, this switch
in goal orientation seems adaptive. In middle (but not
younger) adulthood, maintenance orientation (but not
gain orientation) is positively associated with subjective
well-being. It seems, then, that middle-aged adults suc-
cessfully adjust their goals in accordance with their fu-
ture time perspective.

One line of criticism of the research on midlife crisis
is geared at empirical studies. Schaie and Willis [44] see
two major problems with midlife crisis research. First,
the majority of studies rely on qualitative interview data,
little of which has been cross-validated using standard-
ized instruments. Second, most of these interview data
are cross-sectional. The very concept of a crisis, however,
necessitates following a sample over time in order to de-
termine whether or not a certain event changes subjective
well-being, problem behavior, or the setting of drastic
new goals. Using a cross-sectional design, in which co-
hort and age effects are confounded, one cannot investi-
gate the effects of events or transitions on individuals.
Another criticism that has been raised is that the samples
are typically very small and not representative. In fact,
most samples, and most prominently the ones used by
Jacques [16] and Levinson [8] , have been highly selective
(biographies of artists and clinical case studies in the first
case, and white, middle-class males in the second).

One of the often-criticized features of the strict defini-
tion of ‘midlife crisis’ is the stage view of development.
There is no evidence in support of strongly age-associ-
ated, nonlinear, qualitative changes in various functional
domains that are indicative of delineated developmental
phases. Instead, as summarized by Baltes [25, 45] , at all
ages, there is a substantial amount of interindividual
variability and, moreover, there are interindividual dif-
ferences in intraindividual change, which lead to highly
diverse developmental trajectories that also vary across
cultures. In addition, life span psychology has shown that
development is both multidirectional as well as multi-
functional, which contradicts the assumption of unidi-
rectional development put forth by stage theories. There-
fore, most developmental theories have abandoned the
assumption of distinct phases of life.

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Moderate Definition of the Term ‘Midlife Crisis’

Proponent
Adopting the moderate definition of ‘midlife crisis’,

which is not based on a stage view of development, one
could argue that middle adulthood is a phase of taking
stock and reviewing one’s previous accomplishments.
Here, too, the life course is well-structured and based on
age-related social norms and expectations. As has been
shown by Settersten [46] , most of the social expectations
for developmental transitions in the professional and
family domains converge in middle adulthood as the
time of having attained important developmental mile-
stones such as starting a family and achieving one’s pro-
fessional peak. Therefore, it is very likely that middle
adulthood is a time of being evaluated by oneself and oth-
ers with respect to these expec

Sociology homework help

DQ 2 WEEK 4 response 5 449

Ivory Parker

Treatment Groups

Treatment groups in social work help individuals solve personal problems, change behavior, deal with stress and improve life quality. Social work treatment is essential for individuals with drug abuse disorders. Treatment groups assemble individuals who are emotionally disturbed and, with the help of therapists, help bring change to the individuals (Concannon, 2010). Social workers are affected based on psych educational groups, skills development groups, problem-solving, supportive and interpersonal groups.

Self-help Group

Self-help groups are individuals who come together to dress a common issue or condition. Self-help groups achieve their goals by helping others; Individuals can join self-help groups for mental health conditions, grief, loss, parenting, and substance use (Hepworth et al., 2013). Peers and group members with no professional knowledge in mental health direct self-help groups. The self-group is open-ended with no plan and is run by members.

Task Group

 Task groups are of individuals planning to accomplish a particular task or produce a product. The group is more focused than a working group because it involves a group of experts working together to achieve specific goals (Malekoff, 2001). A task group is based on control, conflict, communication, consensus, and cohesion. Task groups help create and implement plans and programs to benefit individuals in the community and society.

Grieving individuals with a worldwide Christian view should be directed to spiritual grief help groups by social workers because the groups are led by individuals who understand what those grieving are going through and their need for help (Ezulike et al., 2021). Also, Christians believe that through the death of Christ, eternal life is secured for those who believe giving hope to those grieving of meeting the dead when they die.

References

Concannon, C. (2010). The mystery and the magic of the group: What happens here that happens nowhere else. International Journal Of Group Psychotherapy60(2), 283-293. https://doi.org/10.1521/ijgp.2010.60.2.283

Ezulike, C., Okoye, U., & Ekoh, P. (2021). Social work undergraduates students and COVID-19 experiences in Nigeria. Qualitative Social Work, 147332502110297. https://doi.org/10.1177/14733250211029705

Hepworth, D., Vang, P., Blakey, J., Schwalbe, C., Evans, C., & Rooney, R. et al. (2013). Direct social work practice (9th ed., p. 700).

Malekoff, A. (2001). The power of group work with kids: A practitioner’s reflection on strengths-based practice. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services82(3), 243-249. https://doi.org/10.1606/1044-3894.197

Rajski, P., Radant, C., & Isham, M. (n.d.). Home For The Holidays (1995) – Official Trailer. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vEguAZ0RqnQ.

Sociology homework help

Week 8: Module 8 Assignment Peer Evaluation Review Framework (COURTNEY- Peer 2)

Section 1: Advocacy Rationale

After reviewing the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, what type of advocacy rationale do you think is being applied? Does your peer clearly state what rationale they are applying to justify the new policy, or did you have to come to a conclusion about the rationale on your own? If your peer did provide a rationale, do you agree with the justification provided by your peer?

Section 2: Policy Making Process

After your review of the peer Module PowerPoint, has all eight tasks of the policy making process been applied to the analysis and evaluation of existing policies? What are the skills and essential competencies applied by your peer to develop the new social policy?

Section 3: Building New Policy Agenda

During your review of the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, can you clearly see the diagnosis, softening and moderating of context and activation of change to build new policy agenda? Does the PowerPoint clearly apply the six steps of the Policy Analysis, Proposal-Writing, and Presentation Framework for existing policy and their newly created policy?

Section 4: Fake News

Does the assigned peer Module 7 PowerPoint, identify fake news, misinformation, or disinformation campaigns for existing policies? How does the PowerPoint address how social media will be leveraged to promote the new policy?

Section 5: Policy Key Questions and Analysis

Does the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, use the Policy Key Questions and Policy Analysis tools? What do the results tell you about existing policy options and the new policy presented by your peer?

Section 6: Policy Challenges

After reviewing the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, what are the common policy challenges that you have identified for the new policy presented in each of the PowerPoints?

Section 7: Policy Type

After reviewing the Module 7 PowerPoint, can you tell which one of the eleven policy types were used? Was the research evidence used primary or secondary research? Was there any indication that a quasi-experimental design was used to compare a control and intervention groups?

Section 8: Policy Reform

After reviewing the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, what is the most advantageous policy reform method for each new policy

Sociology homework help

From Mary to Modern Woman: The Material Basis of Marianismo and Its Transformation
in a Spanish Village
Author(s): Jane F. Collier
Source: American Ethnologist, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Feb., 1986), pp. 100-107
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/644588
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from Mary to modern woman:
the material basis of Marianismo

and its transformation in a Spanish village

JANE F. COLLIER-Stanford University

In 1963-64, the married women of Los Olivos (pseudonym), a small village in the mountains
of Huelva, southwestern Spain, seemed typical representatives of Mediterranean culture. When
housewives gathered at the public fountain to wash clothes, they wore drab, shapeless outfits,
and many wore mourning. Most were overweight. Washing clothes and attending funerals
were their most public activities. In the evenings married women stayed home or visited the
sick. Twenty years later, in the summer of 1984, the new generation of married women pre-
sented a very different picture. Instead of wearing drab, shapeless clothes, most wore outfits
that showed off their figures. And most had shapely figures. They worried about gaining weight,

although some were notably more successful at dieting than others. Married women no longer
stayed home every evening. Rather, they spent weekend evenings with their husbands in the
local bars, where they sat around tables dressed in their most fashionable outfits, with heavy
makeup and elaborate hairdos.

How do we understand such a radical shift in married women’s presentation of self? The

explanation offered by many ethnographers of Spanish villages-and echoed by residents of
Los Olivos-is that rural Spain has “opened up” (see Aceves and Douglass 1976). Massive
emigration from the countryside and the spread of television into remote villages have exposed
the present generation of rural Spaniards to ideas and choices not available to their parents and

grandparents. Villagers in Los Olivos, for example, say that 20 years ago their village was atra-
sado (backward). People followed outmoded customs, they say, because they did not know
any others. But now everyone has city relatives and a television set, and many people have

cars. Today’s adults have been exposed to city ways. Now everyone below the age of 60 wants
to be “modern.” Married women want to dress nicely and go out with their husbands. And

young adults think that former village customs, such as delaying marriage until age 30, or wear-

ing heavy mourning for 10 years after the death of a parent, are tonterias (stupidities). Such
“backward” village customs are to be discarded.

The “opening up” explanation is not wrong. But it is not very illuminating either. To begin,
the village was not isolated in 1963-64. There may have been only two television sets in town,
but everyone had radios. Women also had excellent knowledge of how urban fashion setters

In one generation, married women in an Andalusian village appeared to have
turned from emulating the Virgin Mary to emulating the modern woman of Spanish
advertisements and TV. Drawing on the notion that gender conceptions are aspects
of cultural systems through which people negotiate relations of inequality within
complex social wholes, I suggest that a concern for female chastity gave way to a
concern for personal capacities and preferences when inequalities in income and
life-style among villagers no longer appeared to rest on inheritance, but on the
urban, salaried jobs people obtained. [Mediterranean society, gender, political
economy, honor code, ideology]

100 american ethnologist

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lived and dressed. Many girls worked as servants for wealthy families before returning to marry

in the village. And glossy magazines depicting royalty and movie stars circulated among village
women. Local dressmakers and hairdressers were, in fact, so successful at copying city fashions
for unmarried women that I had difficulty distinguishing dressed up village maidens from stylish

urban dwellers (see also Martinez-Alier 1971:208).

Given that villagers knew a great deal about the customs and life-styles of middle- and upper-
class urban dwellers in 1963-64, the “opening up” hypothesis cannot explain why married
women’s presentation of self changed drastically in 20 years. Rather, what is needed is an ex-
planation of why city ways became attractive to today’s adults when they had not been so for
their parents. In addition, the “opening up” hypothesis does not explain the content of the
“traditional” and the “modern.” Why should married women in 1963-64 have worn drab
clothes, cultivated plump figures, and stayed home in the evenings? And why should today’s
generation of married women wear bright clothes, try to stay thin, and join their husbands at
bars on weekends? Similarly, why should young people today think it “unnatural” to delay
marriage until age 30, and why should they call village mourning customs “stupidities”?

In this paper, I shall suggest answers to both the content and the change questions. As to
content, I will argue that cultural conceptions of gender must be interpreted as aspects of cul-
tural systems through which people manipulate, interpret, rationalize, resist, and reproduce
relations of inequality within complex social wholes (see Collier and Rosaldo 1981). To un-
derstand conceptions of gender, we cannot look at what men and women are or do, but rather
must ask what people want and fear, what privileges they seek to claim, rationalize, and defend.
To understand gender, we must understand social inequality. And, if gender conceptions are
idioms for interpreting and manipulating social inequality, then we should expect notions of
femininity and masculinity to change when one organization of inequality gives way to an-
other.

Twenty years ago, Los Olivos seemed indistinguishable from the Andalusian village Pitt-
Rivers described in his 1954 book, The People of the Sierra. Their gender system was a typical
example of the Mediterranean values of “honor and shame.” A man’s honor was a function of
his mother’s, sisters’, and wife’s sexual chastity. A family’s reputation depended on the sexual
shame of its women and on the readiness of its men to defend, with violence if need be, its
women’s purity.

A cultural concern for female chastity is not unique to Mediterranean peoples. Rather, all
complex agrarian societies, including India and China, have forms of the “virginity complex”
(Ortner 1976). The association of virginity with agrarian systems thus suggests a first-level ex-
planation for its occurrence: in stratified societies where rights and privileges are vested in sta-

tus groups, female chastity becomes a cultural concern because legitimate birth is the primary
idiom people use to claim, rationalize, and defend status privileges.’ Legitimate birth is, of
course, not the basis of status inequalities. Such inequalities result from unequal access to the
means of production as maintained by coercive force. But individuals living within such soci-
eties rarely have occasion to contemplate the wider structure of inequality. Rather, people en-
gaged in everyday, practical action are concerned with asserting their own rights and privileges
against the challenges of particular others. As a result, people talk and act as if inheritance were
the basis of status inequalities.

In a world where people claim, defend, and justify privileges on the basis of legitimate birth,
illegitimacy is the idiom people use to challenge or deny others’ claims to precedence.2 To
question the chastity of a man’s mother is to question his right to the status he claims as his. In
such a world, women’s bodies appear as gateways to all privileges. But women’s bodies are
gateways any man may enter. Women’s penetrability is their most significant feature. The status

and reputation of a family thus rest on the degree to which its women are protected from pen-
etration-by women’s own sense of sexual shame, by being locked away, and/or by the cour-
age of family men in repelling seducers.

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While an understanding of stratified agrarian societies may provide a first-level explanation

for “virginity complexes,” any particular instance of the complex must be understood within
its specific historical context. Women’s chastity may be a primary idiom used by people in
stratified agrarian societies for negotiating claims to unequal privileges, but it is not the only
idiom. Such societies are complex. They contain many status and ethnic groups. Women’s
chastity may not matter to some. And, as Mediterraneanists realize, the “values of honor and
shame” are not uniform throughout the area (Peristiany 1966; Herzfeld 1980). In order to un-
derstand how “honor and shame” are lived in any particular time and place, therefore, we need

to examine the specific privileges people seek to claim, rationalize, and defend.
In 1963-64, Los Olivos was a small village of less than 800 people where inheritance ap-

peared to determine people’s occupations, incomes, and life-chances. Although the commu-
nity appeared egalitarian (the wealthiest landowners lived outside in nearby, more significant
towns, and beggars rarely stayed overnight), the village was nevertheless divided into three
status groups: (1) a small number of resident landowners who hired workers and did not do
manual labor themselves, (2) a larger number of landowners who worked their own land but
did not have to work for others, and (3) many people with little or no land who worked for
others as day laborers. Long before 1963-64, Los Olivos was integrated into the capitalist world
system. The larger landowners produced for the market, and half the villagers worked for
wages. But inheritance still appeared to be the major determinant of people’s life-chances be-
cause, in a labor-intensive system of mixed-crop agriculture, workers knew as much or more
about the entire agricultural process as their employers.3 As a result, villagers lived in a world
where the most obvious explanation for differences in occupation, income, and life-style was
that some people had inherited capital (land or small industries) while others had not.

Although Los Olivos appeared to be a “traditional” Spanish village, the “tranquil” com-
munity we observed in 1963-64 was, in fact, only one moment in an ongoing historical pro-
cess. As Perez Diaz (1976) notes, change in Spain has been continuous. In Andalusia, a process
of class polarization, begun during the last century and intensifying as the accumulation of land
by entrepreneurial landlords created an increasingly large and impoverished class of landless
rural laborers, was contained by various mechanisms, including naked force (see Martinez-
Alier 1971). For a brief period in the early 1930s class warfare erupted in Los Olivos. An active

union of agrarian socialists wrested control of wages and working conditions from landowners
(Collier n.d.). But during the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, all vocal socialists were killed or
exiled and Franco’s victorious troops gave control of village government to the town’s wealth-
iest landowners, who thereafter ruled with the aid of a resident contingent of Civil Guards.

Before the Civil War, working-class women married at a younger age than women of the
propertied class, and many were pregnant at marriage. But after the war, these differences in
behavior by class disappeared (Collier 1983). Not only were many working-class women
forced to delay their marriages by the war and subsequent famine, but the town’s elites, who
enjoyed uncontested control of economic resources, focused on a woman’s virtue when con-
sidering her, or her family’s, requests for aid.4 It was also true that, even for working-class fam-
ilies whose estate consisted of labor power rather than capital, the wealth parents accumulated
determined children’s dowries and the spouses they could attract (see Price and Price 1966b).
In 1963-64, landowners’ uncontested control of village affairs ensured that all people, whether

from propertied families or not, lived in a world where the resources and reputations of parents
appeared to determine the status of their children.

Given the apparent role of inheritance in determining people’s occupations, incomes, and
life-chances, people’s actions, whatever their ostensible purpose, were always open to being
interpreted as statements about a man’s courage or a woman’s sexual modesty. Whatever prac-
tical reasons, for example, a couple may have had to delay marriage until the bride’s 29th or
30th year, such a delay offered visible proof of the bride’s ability to deny and control her sexual
impulses. Similarly, the woman who dutifully observed 10 years of mourning after the death of

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a parent demonstrated-by wearing heavy black wool summer and winter-her ability to mor-
tify the flesh. And the married woman who never spent a perra on herself demonstrated both
her capacity for self-sacrifice and her lack of interest in being sexually attractive to men. On
the other side, of course, the pregnant bride, the mourning woman who laid aside her shawl
while working in the sun, and the wife who bought herself a new dress were all appropriate
targets of gossip.

Although a woman’s sexual modesty was never without significance, maidens enjoyed a
freedom apparently denied to married women.5 Marriage marked a major turning point in peo-
ple’s lives. Due to the system of equal, partible inheritance, family estates were not maintained
through time, but rather constituted anew each generation with the birth of children who united

the separate inheritances of their parents. As a result, marriage, with its possibility for producing

legitimate heirs, marked the point at which a man and woman passed from dependence on
parental estates to responsibility for the future estate their children would divide. Unmarried

young adults, as people without responsibilities, were expected to divertirse (enjoy them-
selves). Maidens were thus encouraged to seek amusement and to follow the latest fashions-
as long as they did not violate community norms of modesty. Married people, in contrast, had

obligaciones (obligations). A married woman was expected to sacrifice herself to build the es-
tate her children would inherit. Divertirse and obligaciones stood in stark contrast. For a mar-
ried woman to “enjoy herself” was, by definition, to squander her children’s inheritance.

By 1984, Los Olivos was a different world. Heavy outmigration has reduced the permanent
population to under 300 and overturned the class structure. The migration of landless workers
to city jobs left landowners with the choice of farming their own land or migrating too. The
poorest and most overworked people in the village are now the landowners who stayed, while

poor workers who migrated first, and so participated in the industrial boom of the 1 960s, enjoy
month-long vacations in village houses they have renovated with cash from city jobs.6

The decisive break occurred in the mid-1 960s. 1963-64 was, in fact, the end of an era. Dur-

ing the 1960s, ongoing developments in Spain became “so acute that the point [was] reached
where the traditional framework, maintained for about a century, [lost] its fundamental char-
acteristics and [disappeared]” (Perez Diaz 1976:123). In Los Olivos, the labor-intensive agri-
cultural system finally collapsed, due to rising wages and competition from capital-intensive
agricultural enterprises elsewhere in Spain. Records beginning at the turn of the century indi-
cate a steady rate of emigration from Los Olivos before 1963-64, but the people who left were
either members of the wealthiest class-who were regionally, rather than locally, based any-
way-or landless laborers, many of whom had, in one way or another, lost their “honor.”
Given high rates of unemployment throughout Andalusia, and the general suspicion of
strangers, most people who could make a living in Los Olivos stayed there. In the mid-1 960s,
however, when the agricultural system collapsed, children of landed and honorable families
began migrating to city jobs. The generation of people who came of age in the 1960s, whether
they emigrated or remained in Los Olivos, thus entered a different world.

For members of this generation and their children, inheritance no longer appears to be the
major determinant of occupation, income, and life-style. Rather, people experience their oc-
cupations and incomes as determined by their personal choices and abilities. Schoolteachers,
nurses, postmen, policemen, and banktellers talk about how hard they studied and how well
they did on national or firm exams. Bus and truck drivers talk of learning to drive and acquiring
licenses. And villagers who inherited small enterprises talk of the skills they acquired and the
capital improvements they made. On the other side, people blame the poor and unemployed
for their failure. Everyone recognizes that Spain has a very high rate of unemployment, espe-
cially among young people, but when explaining why a particular youth has been unable to
find a job, people talk of his poor school record or his lack of initiative.

In short, the people of Los Olivos, both its migrants and those who are still in the village, now
live in a world where personal choice and ability is the primary idiom people use to claim,

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rationalize, and defend inequalities in working conditions, income, and life-style.7 Personal
ability is, of course, not the basis of inequality. The distribution of income and jobs in Spain,
as in most of the developed world, is organized through a market shaped by the fiscal policies

of core state governments, maintained by coercive force. But, just as people living in stratified

agrarian societies talk about legitimate birth, so people facing an array of possible jobs talk
about personal desires and qualifications. And, just as in agrarian societies, a woman’s penetra-
bility is her most important feature, so in industrial societies, a woman’s most important feature

is the “womanliness” that differentiates her from, and makes her attractive to, men.

In a world where people’s inward capacities and preferences appear to determine their oc-
cupations, a woman’s biological capacity to bear children seems to determine her apparently
primary occupation of housewife and mother.8 And, in a world where a homemaker’s life-style

is largely determined by her husband’s income, a woman’s status and life-chances appear to
depend on the kind of man she can attract. As a result, a woman’s physical appearance is al-
ways open to being interpreted as a statement about her moral and social worth. A woman’s
appearance also provides evidence for assessing the judgment and character of the man who

is her husband or lover, although a man’s job tends to be the primary standard by which his
worth is assessed. Whatever a woman’s appearance, therefore, it is never without significance.

The woman who takes care of her body and dresses attractively, particularly as she grows older,

displays her “womanliness” and testifies to the good judgment of her man. The woman of slov-

enly appearance, on the other hand, suggests both inward and outward failure. Among Los
Olivos natives under 60, for example, a fat, uncared-for body and drab clothes are the sign of

a country hick. They proclaim a family’s status as unskilled laborers on the bottom of the social

hierarchy.

Today’s parents are concerned-as their own parents were-to provide their children with
the resources children need for succeeding as adults. But today, education, not property, ap-
pears to be the most important determinant of a child’s future income and status-at least for

this population of working-, and lower-middle-class families. Many parents thus sacrifice them-

selves to enroll their children in private schools, and/or to provide music lessons, English les-

sons, typing lessons, and so forth. “Sacrifice,” however, has a very different meaning to modern

parents. Divertirse and obligaciones are no longer cultural opposites. Because investment in a
child’s education, unlike investment in family property, may or may not pay off, parents who

have done all they can for children see no reason not to spend leftover money on themselves.

More importantly, today’s adults are expected to spend their money and leisure time in ways

that enhance their enjoyment and enrich their experience. The consumer products people buy,

and the uses they make of leisure time, testify to their sense of taste and knowledge of modern

ways.

In this paper, I have focused on gender conceptions, arguing that notions of masculinity and

femininity must be understood with reference to the idioms people use in negotiating practical

social relations within complex social wholes. I suggested that the married women of Los Oli-
vos in 1963-64 wore drab clothes and ran to fat because they lived within a system of inequal-

ity where legitimate birth was the primary idiom people used to claim, rationalize, and defend
unequal privileges. In such a system, a married woman’s drab clothes and sexual unattractive-
ness testified to the legitimacy of her children and to her concern for building their future prop-

erty. As of 1984, in contrast, the people of Los Olivos, both migrants and those still in the vil-
lage, live within a system of inequality where a person’s capacities and desires appear to de-
termine the job or spouse he or she acquires. Today, the woman who keeps her figure and
dresses fashionably testifies to her own worth and to her capacity for attracting and keeping a
desirable man, even as the married woman who visits a bar with her husband demonstrates,
not a lack of interest in her children’s future, but rather her sophistication. Twenty years ago,

the women of Los Olivos were judged according to how well they emulated the Virgin Mary.

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Today they are judged according to how well they emulate the Modern Woman of advertise-
ments and TV.

Although I have used implicit models of “agrarian” and “industrial” societies to analyze the
content of gender conceptions in Los Olivos, I have also argued that the gender conceptions of
particular peoples can be understood only in relation to their specific historical experiences.
The Modern Woman of Spanish advertisements and TV may look a great deal like her North
American counterpart, but the lived experiences of Los Olivos women are not those of their
North American age mates. As Southern Europeans, the modern women of Los Olivos draw on

a different cultural heritage. They seem more concerned with dressing and decorating their
bodies than with their bodies themselves. They also seem-to me, at least-more self-confident
and less dependent on men than American women. Spanish mothers of young children, who
have difficulty finding and keeping jobs, are, like their American counterparts, only one man
away from destitution, but divorces among Los Olivos couples are still infrequent, and the few
women whose husbands left them are not blamed for having failed to keep their men. Even the
enemies of a woman whose husband left her with four small children blame the husband rather

than the wife. Similarly, mothers are pitied, not blamed, when their children turn out badly.
More importantly, the women of Los Olivos have lived, and are living, through a different

history. Today’s adults have, in their lifetimes, experienced a radical cultural break. The women

who came of age in the early 1960s grew up, courted, and perhaps married within the value
system of “honor and shame” (see Price and Price 1966a). They lived out the cultural require-
ment to enjoy themselves, expecting to assume later the obligaciones of marriage and parent-
hood. But their lives turned out differently. As the labor-intensive agricultural system collapsed,
many migrated to cities as workers and/or wives of migrating men, while those who remained

in the village found that farming shifted from a way of life to a way of making a living (see
Harding 1984). The generation of people who came of age in the early 1960s, who grew up
within a cultural system of “honor and shame,” have thus been living their adult lives within a
cultural system that emphasizes personal initiative and abilities.

Not only have today’s adults lived through a cultural break, they continue to live it each day.

Given that Los Olivos was never isolated from outside ideas, I expected to find evidence of a
gradual shift from one cultural system to the other. I thought that people who lived through the
1960s would embrace aspects of both systems, or at least understand them both. But I was
mistaken. Instead, individuals seem to live within one system, and to misunderstand the other.

The cultural break appears gradual because members of both generations act in ways they
hope will please the other. Elderly widows, for example, often exchange their mourning cos-
tumes for dark print dresses in order to please their children, even as younger women whose
parents have died will don black dresses to please elderly relatives, particularly when visiting
the village. But even as young and old act to please others they care about, they seem to lack
a deep understanding of why those others care.

When elderly widows explain why younger women have abandoned mourning costume,
they say that young women fear adverse gossip from urban dwellers who look down on those

who wear black. Young women, however, never mention gossip. Instead, they talk of grief as
an inward feeling. They see no reason to display personal grief publicly by wearing black. And
they actively condemn the “hypocrisy” of those who continue to wear mourning long after
grief could be deeply felt. I have often heard younger women explain their reasons to elderly
mothers, aunts, and grandmothers, but I have never heard an older woman who advanced the

“gossip” explanation either suggest she understood the younger woman or spontaneously pro-
duce the “feeling” explanation herself.

Similarly, young women seem to misunderstand their elders. Even those who came of age in
the 1960s, and so grew up within a cultural system of “honor and shame,” seem to misunder-

stand that system today. When explaining why elders adhere to traditional mourning customs,
young people say elders have otra mentalidad (another mentality). Elders, however, never men-

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tion “mentality.” They say that people must show “respect” for the dead. Following mourning

customs has nothing to do with an individual’s desires, feelings, or intentions. Instead, wearing
mourning testifies to a person’s or family’s reputation. Given elders’ statements, young people
are not wrong when they attribute elders’ actions to their mentalidad. Elders do have a different

“mentality.” But in interpreting elders’ actions as testifying to their inward desires and inten-

tions (their mentality), instead of to the reputations of their families, young people reveal how
thoroughly they live within the cultural system of personal initiative and abilities, and how
thoroughly they fail to comprehend the cultural system of honor and shame.

notes

Acknowledgments. George Collier’s and my 1963-64 research in Los Olivos was supported by a Ful-
bright fellowship, and our research 20 years later was supported by grant HD 17351 from the National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development, titled “Late Marriage, Family Constellation, Kinship
Change.” This paper, written while I was a Fellow at the Stanford Humanities Center, is one piece of a
larger project to examine changing conceptions of the family in Los Olivos. It has benefitted from the com-
ments of George Collier, Louise Lamphere, Roger Rouse, Ann Swidler and Sylvia Yanagisako.

‘ n this paper I suggest that female chastity is an idiom people use to talk about (and fight over) social
inequality in complex agrarian societies with private property where status appears inherited-whether
such societies have effective central governments or appear anarchic. Others have, of course, advanced
different explanations for the “honor and shame” complex in Mediterranean societies (for example,
Schneider 1971; Schneider and Schneider 1976; Pitt-Rivers 1977), and for “virginity complexes” else-
where (for example, Ortner 1976). This paper is too short, however, to compare explanations.

2Female chastity is not a single, coherent idiom with a single cause. Rather, it is a complex, multiply-
determined symbol. In a world where legitimate heirs are distinguished from illegitimate non-heirs, a moth-
er’s chastity guarantees her children’s right to inherit. Where only virgins are eligible to become mothers
of legitimate children, a daughter’s virginity may represent her family’s hopes of upward mobility and po-
litical patronage (see Ortner 1976). Men, as managers of inherited estates, whose life work is to guard such
estates for their children, experience the begetting of bastards on their wives as rendering their lives mean-
ingless. In areas of southern Europe where daughters inherit property, the man who seduces a maiden is,
in a real sense, “stealing” some of her family’s estate. In societies where the presence of a “state” or “civil
society” creates “the family” as a symbolic category, women, as representatives of the “family,” may come
to stand for the family’s status. Their inviolability may then represent the inviolability of the family estate,
in a world where net downward mobility-caused by the fact that rich people produce more living off-
spring than the poor-ensures that most people spend their lives trying to “hang on” to what they have

Sociology homework help

‘I Just Don’t Want to Get Picked on
by Anybody’: Dynamics of Inclusion
and Exclusion in a Newly Multi-
Ethnic Irish Primary School

Dympna Devine* and
Mary Kelly
School of Education
and Lifelong Learning,
University College
Dublin, Dublin, Ireland

*Correspondence to: Dympna

Devine, School of Education and

Lifelong Learning, University

College Dublin, Belfield, Dublin

4, Ireland. E-mail:

dympna.devine@ucd.ie

Given the changing patterns of immigration in the Republic of Ire-

land in the past 10 years, this article considers how factors related

to ethnic and gender identity mediate children’s interaction with

one another in a newly multi-ethnic Irish primary school. Central

to the analysis is the exercise of power between children and how

the experience of inclusion and exclusion in peer relations is under-

pinned by concepts of sameness/difference that draw upon wider

discourses of ethnic and gender identity. Recommendations in rela-

tion to classroom and school practice are made with reference to

the need for teachers to take account of the complexity of children’s

social worlds and the dynamics of power and control that operate

within it. Copyright � 2006 The Author(s).

Introduction

The extent of social and economic change in Irish society in
the past 30 years has been unprecedented, culminating in
recent years in changed immigration patterns that include
substantial numbers of immigrants from outside the tradi-
tional Irish diaspora. Children, like adults, are part of this
changing social landscape. As their communities and schools
become increasingly diverse, they face challenges and oppor-
tunities in adjusting to this change. This article is based on
research conducted into the experience of ethnic diversity in
a primary school. Central to the analysis is how the experi-
ence of inclusion and exclusion in peer relations is under-
pinned by concepts of sameness/difference that draw upon
wider discourses of ethnic and cultural identity. The article
is structured into four parts. Part 1 presents a framework
within which children’s social relations in school can be
understood along two interlinking dimensions of inclusion/
exclusion and sameness/difference. Part 2 outlines the
methodology of the study while part 3 presents the findings
in terms of the contrasting yet inter-related dynamics of

CHILDREN & SOCIETY VOLUME 20 (2006) pp. 128–139
DOI:10.1111/j.1099-0860.2006.00020.x

� 2006 The Author(s)
Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

inclusion/exclusion and sameness/difference in children’s ethnic relations in Oakleaf
primary school. The concluding discussion considers the findings with reference to
policy and practice in Irish primary schools.

Ethnicity and children’s interaction in school

Research into children’s social worlds draws attention to the nature of children’s racial-
ised attitudes and the degree to which these influence both the manner and extent of
their interaction with one another in ethnically diverse classrooms (Connolly, 1998;
Holmes, 1995; Troyna and Hatcher, 1992; Van Ausdale and Feagin, 2001). The meanings
that children attach to their social relations with others can only be fully understood
within the context of child culture. Such a culture is characterised by both inclusionary
and exclusionary elements underpinned by a series of rules and regulations clearly
understood by children themselves. It is through these manoeuvres within friendships
that children explore not only the dynamics of interpersonal relationships but also their
own identities as they actively struggle for recognition, status and intimacy in the
rough and tumble of their school lives (Adler and Adler, 1998; Connolly, 2004; Corsaro,
2005; Deegan, 1996; Devine, 2003; Scott, 2003; Thorne, 1993; Troyna and Hatcher, 1992).
Children’s interaction is also deeply embedded in power matrices that are reflected in
the adult world. The dynamics of inclusion and exclusion are intertwined with con-
cepts of normality and otherness, the latter framed in the context of the norms and
expectations that structure social interaction within the society at large. With respect to
ethnic identity, assertions of Irish identity may revolve around being White, Catholic
and part of the settled community. Minority ethnic groups such as Travellers, Jews or
Black Irish are often considered outside this norm, with consequent implications for
their status within Irish society as a whole. Children, no less than adults, draw on these
discourses of difference, interpreting their interaction with others on the basis of their
perceived normality or otherness with respect to dominant norms.

Children’s interaction in school can be considered then along a continuum of two inter-
linking and contrasting dimensions related to inclusion and exclusion in friendship
patterns and the experience of difference (‘otherness’ and ‘sameness’) in their relation-
ship with one another in school. These dimensions are, in turn, influenced and
mediated by children’s ethnicity, gender, social class, dis/ability, age and sexuality. For
the purposes of this article, the main focus will be upon ethnicity and gender as varia-
bles of analysis. As Figure 1 indicates, a child can be positioned or position themselves
in any one of the quadrants in terms of their interaction. They may be different cultur-
ally but fully included in social interaction or alternatively they may be culturally
different and excluded from dominant patterns of peer relations within their classroom
setting.

Methodology of the study

The material for this paper draws on findings from a two-year qualitative study of
ethnicity and schooling (Devine and others, 2002; Kelly, 2003) in a sample of primary-
and secondary-level schools on the east coast of Ireland. Intensive case-study analysis
was conducted as part of the research into one of the primary schools, Oakleaf Primary,

Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 129

� 2006 The Author(s) CHILDREN & SOCIETY Vol. 20, 128–139 (2006)
Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

and this forms the data set for this article. Pseudonyms for teachers and children are
used throughout. This case study derives from repeated visits to the school over one
school year and involved interviews with the school principal (Mr Robinson), the two
language support teachers (Ms Macken and Ms Farrell), seven of the remaining 20
classroom teachers, and a selected sample of children (61 in total) drawn from Grade 2
(children aged 7–8 years) and Grade 5 (children aged 10–11 years). Interviews were
also conducted with a number of parents during an open day organised by the school
before Christmas. In conducting the research, clear ethical guidelines (Alderson and
Morrow, 2004; Fraser, 2004) were followed, given the sensitive nature of many of the
topics being dealt with. The analysis is also supplemented by observations of classroom
and schoolyard behaviours, sociometric analyses and the intensive analysis of chil-
dren’s interaction over one school year in one classroom.

Oakleaf Primary is a designated disadvantaged co-educational primary school with 304
pupils in a large urban centre on the outskirts of Dublin. Designated disadvantaged
status is granted to schools based on a number of predefined indicators of economic
and social disadvantage in the school community, including receipt of unemployment
benefit and access to free medical care. The school was built in 1985, since when chan-
ges to the area in the intervening period have brought with then greater social and
ethnic diversity, including the building of private houses as well as a Traveller halting
site. In the past six years, the school has seen a marked growth in the number of
minority ethnic children attending it, reflecting the broader pattern of unprecedented
immigration into Irish society (Central Statistics Office, 2004). Currently, over one-third
of the school population consists of minority ethnic children who come predominantly
from Eastern Europe, Africa and the Middle East. While the school is Roman Catholic
(a system of state-sponsored denominational schooling predominates in the Republic of
Ireland, particularly at primary level), the religious profile has changed dramatically in
recent years, with children from the Muslim community representing the second largest
grouping after Roman Catholics in the school.

The school benefits hugely from a highly committed principal (Mr Robinson) and the
placement of an experienced full-time teacher in the post of language support (Ms Macken)
and considerable effort has been put into the establishment of a fully resourced prefab

Figure 1. Dimensions of pupil social interaction and ethnicity in school

130 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

� 2006 The Author(s) CHILDREN & SOCIETY Vol. 20, 128–139 (2006)
Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

building (funded by the DES after considerable negotiation) to provide support to newly
arrived migrant children. However, despite some level of awareness of the need for inter-
cultural practice, there was no stated anti-racism policy within the school. While teachers
were generally uncertain about the nature of the children’s social world, assumptions
about the inherent innocence of children’s interaction with one another was evident, typi-
fied in the comment by Ms Macken below:

From a child’s point of view there was one day, this was classic, during our health week
we had a massive Nigerian guy, coming in doing basketball skills and afterwards Dina said:
‘he’s black, I didn’t like him’ even though she is very black herself … it was all very inno-
cent. From a child’s point of view she looked on herself as like everybody else in the school,
or whatever. It was funny, it was good.

However, interviews and a more in-depth analysis of the children’s social world indica-
ted a more complex picture of the influence of ethnicity on their interaction patterns
that challenge the more innocent and paternalistic frame of reference illustrated in the
comments of Ms Macken above. In line with Figure 1, these will be discussed in the
context of being different, being the same and inclusion/exclusionary patterns among
the children in Oakleaf Primary.

Being different, being the same: perceptions of ethnic diversity in Oakleaf
Primary

In their discussions about minority ethnic children, themes of strangeness and differ-
ence emerged in the majority ethnic children’s accounts, such differences located as
deficiencies in the minority ethnic child. This is evident in the comments below by
children, who refer to the ‘other’ status of certain groups of minority ethnic children by
virtue of their cultural and linguistic difference:

Kate: Some Muslim people keep talking in Muslim and you wouldn’t know what they
are talking about … it’s weird.

Maura: Muslims are different.
Kate: They go on fast.
Jane: That means you are not allowed eat.
Kate: The Muslims they do fasts.
Maura: That’s all that’s wrong with them. (Grade 2 girls)

Laura: Americans are just like us, they’re real normal but Africans they’re just more
different. (Grade 4)

An anti-English bias was also prevalent in some children’s comments, with children
who had returned from England or who had parents who were English, singled out for
their difference, manifest primarily in their accents:

Donal: Mark gets called English bastard ’cos his mother is from England. (Grade 5)

Physical difference also emerged quite strongly in the children’s accounts especially
with reference to the colour of skin. For these children, skin colour was an important
marker of cultural/ethnic identity and in some instances it was suggested to be

Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 131

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Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

the basis for friendship formation, highlighting one aspect of sameness focused on by
children in their construction of friendships. In one interview, for example, children
spoke of the ease of a new child settling in if there were other ‘coloured’ children
present:

Patricia: Say one coloured person was in your class it would be really hard because
it’s just one coloured person. Say there’s three coloured people in their class,
’cause they’ve got coloured people to play with them.

Interviewer: But Anthony plays with all people.
Miranda: Yeah but John and Luke only play with one person. They like playing with

their own colour. (Grade 2 girls)

However, in the cut and thrust of pupil interaction, skin colour was also used as the
basis for name-calling as children drew attention to physical differences in attempting
to gain the upper hand with one another. In all the interviews, reference was made to
the prevalence of name-calling due to skin colour differences and the interview data
are replete with examples of derogatory names called on this basis (Devine and others,
2004). Such name-calling highlighted not only the significance of difference to chil-
dren’s interaction, but also the distinctions they drew between types of colour in their
assessment of difference. Naomie, a Muslim girl born in Ireland, recounted how she
experienced teasing following a return trip from Libya, because her skin colour had
changed:

Maya: Sometimes I heard a boy in our class: ‘I don’t like these girls because they’ve a
different language and a different colour’.

Naomie: I was really white. I was born here, but then I went on my summer holidays to
Libya and I got a tan, so when I came back I was a different colour and I was
teased because of that. (Grade 5 girls)

The comments of Sonya, a girl born in Somalia, indicate her experience of colour being
used as a discriminating factor in friendship by one of her peers:

Louise doesn’t like black people; she said it to my face. I was crushed. I’m not that black,
I’m tanned. Some of the people have blonde hair in Somalia. (Grade 5)

It is also worth noting, however, that sensitivity to differences related to colour and
ethnicity can be eliminated when common bonds are formed. In practice, this was
reflected in the level of inter-ethnic interaction which was visible in the schoolyard dur-
ing playtime, as well as in observations of children’s interaction in the classroom and
was borne out by the following comments made by a friend of Sonya:

It’s all about fitting in, like. When I look at Sonya, I don’t see a black person from some-
where else. I just see my friend. I don’t notice the colour of you.

While these children spoke of ethnic difference, especially colour, in negative terms,
there were also incidences during interviews where children recounted positive black
Irish role models, listing members of the Irish football team and singers such as Saman-
tha Mumba in this regard. Such models in themselves were then important contra-
indicators to the stereotypes children held regarding Irish identity and ‘otherness’.
While sensitivity to colour was an important marker of children’s perception of

132 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

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Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

difference, prejudicial attitudes expressed by the children did not rest solely on the
basis of this difference. This is evident in the children’s comments on Travellers, a
minority ethnic Irish grouping whose difference does not lie in colour but predomin-
antly in culture and lifestyle:

Interviewer: Why are Traveller children picked on so much?
Martha: Because they don’t change their uniform, and they usually have scruffy nails

and face and ears.
Grainne: And they go around in track suit bottoms with hooker boots on and every-

thing. (Grade 2)

Children’s sensitivity to difference must be located within the general context of child
culture and the desire by children to fit in and be the same as their peers. It must also
be understood, however, within a broader cultural context in which Irishness is firmly
linked with particular traits (to include being white, settled and Catholic) and those
outside this norm are clearly perceived as ‘other’.

Patrick: I wouldn’t like to be a Muslim in any school.
Interviewer: Why?
Patrick: I just don’t want to get picked on by anybody. I wouldn’t like to be a Protes-

tant either. (Grade 5)

For minority ethnic children the experience of mixing with children from other ethnic
groups also poses challenges and opportunities. For children coming to Ireland for the
first time there is the immediate challenge of being a new child in school and adapting
to their new surrounds. Interviews indicated that the children reacted differently to
these pressures, with some being proud of the cultural differences between themselves
and their Irish peers, while others chose to negate such differences and blend more
readily into the dominant peer culture:

Merike: I remember one day I went in with my scarf after my religion class. They
were asking me questions but I really didn’t mind about it … for them to
know more about Islam

Interviewer: And how did you feel Salma?
Salma: I feel embarrassed in front of everybody. They say like you are small and

you have to wear that scarf. (Grade 5 girl)

Cultural and language differences became enmeshed in the shifting alliances between
children, and sometimes are used by children to gain the upper hand with one another
by speaking in a language not understood by the others or by telling tales to the
teacher for engaging in what could be perceived as exclusionary behaviour:

People are different. When I speak my language, Arabic, people go: ‘What the heck are you
saying?’ ‘You don’t have to know, I’m speaking to my sister’ and they go ‘I’m telling the
teacher on you’. They think I’m saying something about them, but I’m not.

Travellers also faced challenges to their identity in their experience of school. An
interview with five Traveller children revealed that while these children were Irish,
they saw themselves as different to settled Irish, as the following conversation
illustrates:

Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 133

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Tom: Can I ask you a question?
Interviewer: Yeah.
Tom: Are Traveller people and settled people the same people?
Interviewer: What do you think?
Tom: Well, you know the way you are a settled person.
Lisa: We talk different.
Pat: We keep horses.
Tom: We live in trailers.

However, changes in lifestyle brought with it conflicting views on Traveller identity,
with one child in the group clearly ashamed of her Traveller background, conscious of
its negative connotations among settled peers in her class:

Lisa: Girls in my class don’t know I’m a Traveller … I’m shamed, I don’t want to
tell them

Interviewer: Why do you say that—they wouldn’t make friends with you?
Tom: They don’t even know we are Travellers.
Interviewer: Maybe they know, they just don’t care, they like you anyway.
Tom: They just don’t want to tell you maybe?
Lisa: They don’t want to insult you or anything.

Inclusion and exclusion: ethnic and gender dynamics

Clearly then, all children, both minority and majority ethnic, were sensitive to the cul-
tural, physical and linguistic differences that existed between them. What is important,
however, is the manner in which the children reacted to these differences, especially as
this applied to their inclusionary/exclusionary practices. For the minority ethnic chil-
dren, many of whom were new to the school, this added an extra dimension to their
coping strategies as they had to negotiate their way into peer groups that pre-dated
their arrival into the school.

An intensive case study of Mr O’Reilly’s class (Grade 4, aged 9–10 years) gives us some
indication of the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion over one school year and of how
these are not only tied to the perceptions of sameness and difference indicated earlier,
but also how they are mediated by both gender and ability. Sociometric analysis over
the course of the year indicated changing patterns of friendship among the boys, with
significantly greater inter-ethnic mixing evident by the end of the year. Observational
and interview data confirmed these patterns, with the boys making positive comments
about their evolving relationships with one another:

I think it’s really healthy to have friends from different countries, lots of my friends are
from different countries and I think it’s great. (Mathew)

Significantly, sporting ability, especially the playing of soccer, had a dramatic impact
on the level of interaction and status enhancement among the boys and was actively
encouraged and supported by male staff in the school, but especially by Mr O’Reilly,
the class teacher. Participation in sport could also be a double-edged sword, however,
giving rise to enhanced status among male peers when one was good at it, or alternat-
ively greater susceptibility to racial abuse on the sports field when tensions were high:

134 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

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Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

Marcus: Please, people who are listening to this, pick up some sport or you get slagged.
You have to be good at sport. (Minority ethnic, Grade 5)

Tony: Racism mainly takes place in sport … sometimes white people are picked first or if
a coloured person hacked you or side tackled you then you could give them a
punch. (Mr O’Reilly’s class, Grade 4)

Ability in the academic sphere was also helpful in negotiating entry to peer groups,
and through co-operation in a group project, Sam integrated himself successfully into
an academic boys peer group (Sean, Tom and Patrick):

Sean: I always play now with Sam after school. People from different countries are great to
get to know because you learn all different games and all about their country. (Mr
O’Reilly’s class, Grade 4)

A different pattern was notable among girls in Mr O’Reilly’s class, however. Initial
observations and sociometric analysis indicated the prevalence of positive inter-
ethnic nominations at the start of the school year and the popularity of Sarah, a
Muslim girl who had arrived in the class just three months previously. However,
over the course of the year, a clear polarisation in friendship patterns occurred
between the minority and majority ethnic girls. By the end of the school year, the
three minority ethnic girls in the class (Sarah, Elisabeth and Sharon) were a distinct
cluster, separate from their majority ethnic peers. Many factors contributed to their
relative isolation. The first was the high status that appeared to be given to newly
arrived girls among the female peer group, and the supplanting of Sarah by Joanna,
a newly arrived majority ethnic girl, halfway through the school year. Sarah’s sense
of hurt at her displacement is reflected when she says:

First of all they play in the yard with you and then they left you and went to a new girl. I
felt sad.

However, as was the case with boys, sharing common interests (spoken of in the
interviews as ‘likes the same things, likes your ideas and someone you can agree
with’) was also an important precursor to the cementing and continuation of friend-
ships among the girls. This was encapsulated in the importance that was placed on
‘girl’ talk as a bonding ritual between the majority ethnic girls (and on occasion
between them and the researcher) and revolved mainly around fashion and physical
appearance, as well as discussions about boys. Such talk could have negative impli-
cations for the inclusion of minority ethnic girls (including Traveller children), and
was something they were acutely sensitive to. This is reflected in Lisa’s comment
above related to concealing her Traveller status, and also Elisabeth’s perception that,
as a Nigerian girl she felt she was unpopular because other girls did not like her
hair. Sarah, a Muslim girl, commented on her reluctance to participate in typical
romance/boy talk that was increasingly prevalent among majority ethnic girls in her
class:

I don’t like the way they’re always talking about boys.

Opportunities to shine through co-operative group work did not appear to have the
same positive impact on inter-ethnic relations for these girls, who were ranked as mid

Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion 135

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to low achievers by Mr O’Reilly. While Elisabeth and Sharon struggled to maintain
friendships with majority ethnic girls in the class, Sarah sought out Muslim girls in
other classes and played with them during break time.

It would be a mistake however to presume that shared ethnic identity is necessary to
the formation of friendship bonds, a factor that can often be assumed by teachers with
respect to minority ethnic children (Devine, 2005). Interview data from another class in
the school (Ms Murphy, Grade 5) highlighted the dissonance that can occur within a
particular ethnic group, in this case Muslim girls, as levels of adherence to certain
traditions and rituals became a marker of inclusion/exclusion between them:

I’m a Muslim but my Mum was brought up not wearing scarves and all the Muslims jeer
me because I’m not like them … Sometimes I wear scarves when I go to the Mosque. Since
me and Karla use to be friends because we are both Muslims and everyone used to think
we had loads of things in common. Since Hannah came, she took Karla away from me.
They use to leave me out because I wear dresses and don’t have a scarf, they just wouldn’t
let me in.

Dynamics of inclusion and exclusion that are intertwined with those of sameness and
difference are reflected in this excerpt as Karina speaks of the competitiveness among
peers for friends (‘she took Karla away from me’) as well as the sense of isolation by
being excluded (‘they just wouldn’t let me in’). The excerpt also indicates how simple
stereotypes regarding ethnic and cultural identity ignore the hybrid forms this can take
in differing cultural and social contexts, resulting in dynamics of inclusion/exclusion
based on sameness/difference within ethnic groups as much as between them. Signifi-
cantly, Karina was a girl who explicitly identified with stereotypical Irish norms and
during the course of the interview referred proudly to her holding an Irish passport, as
well as her participation in swimming activities and Gaelic football.

Conclusion

When children say they ‘don’t want to get picked on by anyone’, this raises questions
not only about inclusion and exclusion in children’s friendship groups but also about
the reasons why they are ‘picked’ on and marked out as ‘different’. Though it is often
invisible to adults, child culture presents to children a world that is simultaneously fun
and risky, within which they must position themselves as competent social negotiators,
building alliances and friendships that are open to fluctuation and change. While this
social positioning is an active process, it is also deeply embedded in the politics of
recognition (Fraser, 2000; Young, 1990) that derives from ethnic and gendered norms
that prevail in the society at large. Children, no less than adults, exercise power with
one another, drawing on dominant discourses of normality and ‘otherness’ in their
inclusionary/exclusionary practices. While the analysis has highlighted the children’s
perception of difference, and the way that, for majority ethnic children this is firmly
embedded in cultural stereotypes about what it means to be ‘Irish’, the data also dem-
onstrate the strategies that minority ethnic children employ in coping with these norms.
Such strategies are mediated by both gender and ability and, although this aspect is
not significantly developed in this article, social class, and they were apparent in the
more intensive case-study analysis of Mr O’Reilly’s class over the school year.

136 Dympna Devine and Mary Kelly

� 2006 The Author(s) CHILDREN & SOCIETY Vol. 20, 128–139 (2006)
Journal compilation � 2006 National Children’s Bureau

For minority ethnic boys, dominant constructions of masculinity which revolved
around being good at something, but especially sport, facilitated the successful integra-
tion of these boys into distinct male peer groups. This, coupled with the tendency for
boys to play in large groups during playtime, appeared to provide them with signifi-
cant opportunities for mixing and networking with their male peers. A question arises,
however, as to the potential integration of boys who do not conform to dominant con-
structs of masculinity. For newly arrived minority ethnic girls, their initial high status
among female peers gave way to different experiences of inclusion and exclusion,
dependent upon their ability to find common ground with others and to negotiate their
entry into relatively exclusive friendship groups. Identity work was clearly involved in
these processes as cultural and gendered norms conflicted. Dominant constructs of fem-
ininity—especially an emphasis on boy talk, fashion and appearance—within the talk
of majority ethnic girls, rendered it difficult for minority ethnic girls who differed from
this norm. While Sarah played with two Muslim girls in another class (in so doing
heightening her ‘other’ status among peers in her own class but providing her with
feelings of inclusion in school), Elisabeth and Sharon struggled at the fringes of the
female peer network—their ethnic ‘otherness’ clearly positioning them in exclusionary
terms. In two other classes, the successful integration of both Karina (Muslim) and Lisa
(Traveller) into female peer groups coincided with their overt affiliation with dominant
ethnic and gendered norms, giving rise to some criticism from within their own ‘ethnic’
groups.

The implications of such findings for policy can be considered on a number of levels.
At a broader level, the analysis highlights the complexity of the children’s social world
and challenges any benign interpretation of children’s interaction that draws on overly
paternalistic and individualistic assumptions about their behaviour. As competent
agents (Brembeck and others, 2004), children know what they do and why they do
it—responding to the challenges and opportunities of peer group membership in the
context of the cultural, social, emotional and material resources they have at their
disposal (Devine, 2003). Policy must take account of this complexity as well as chil-
dren’s competency, acknowledging the multi-layered strands of identity that influences
their positioning with one another in school. At the level of implementation, whole
school planning for equality, diversity and social inclusion needs to be undertaken that
is relevant to the particular context of each school, while sensitive to national guide-
lines and best practice in the area. Particular attention should be given to the inclusion
of newly arrived children to the school and the establishment of support structures
(e.g. a ‘buddy’ system) to facilitate their integration. A charter of social relations should
be included with an emphasis on respecting all forms of diversity in peer and pupil/
teacher relations. The inclusion of the voices of parents and children from minority as
well as majority ethnic groups, should be central to such planning. This in itself
requires a commitment to the development of trusting and supportive relations
between school personnel and members of the broader parent

Sociology homework help

Topic 

· Civil Rights Act of 1964 Federal Laws replace State laws

· Civil Rights Act of 1964, Wikipedia

· A Confrontation for Integration at the University of Alabama, theGrio, 2013

· Transcript

Sociology homework help

Federal Emergency Management Agency

A Compendium of
Exemplary Practices in
Emergency Management

Volume IV

PARTNERSHIPS IN
PREPAREDNESS

January 2000

Foreword

This Compendium of Exemplary Practices in Emergency Management, Volume IV, is a product
of the emergency management community working in partnership in service to the
public. It is the result of FEMA’s continuing outreach initiative to identify the innovative
ideas, emergency management talent, and abundant resources that exist throughout the
country.

What is an exemplary practice? In the judgment of the emergency management partners
who reviewed all entries for this edition, it is any idea, project, program, technique, or
method in emergency management that has worked in one place and may be worthy of
adopting elsewhere. This Compendium describes public- and private-sector emergency
management practices that include unique coordination among organizations, volunteer
projects, resource sharing, and other innovative approaches to emergency management.

In addition to describing the practices selected, the Compendium refers readers to knowl-
edgeable individuals for further information. This book is not only being published in
this printed format but is also available on the Internet at FEMA’s World Wide Web site.

In keeping with FEMA’s goals of building a strong and effective emergency management
system, the search for exemplary practices is continuing. Instructions and a form for
submitting additional innovative ideas can be found at the end of this volume, and we
urge you to share your exemplary practices.

Sincerely,

James Lee Witt
Director
Federal Emergency Management Agency

Kay C. Goss
Associate Director for Preparedness
Federal Emergency Management Agency

PARTNERSHIPS IN
PREPAREDNESS

A Compendium of Exemplary Practices in
Emergency Management

Volume IV

Federal Emergency Management Agency

January 2000

James Lee Witt
Director

Federal Emergency Management Agency

Kay C. Goss
Associate Director

Federal Emergency Management Agency
for the Preparedness Directorate

iii

____________________________________________________________________ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Acknowledgments

Many people contributed to this fourth edition of the Compendium. Their contributions include the critical executive
support needed to make this initiative a reality: the memoranda, letters, and communications on the Internet
encouraging nominations from throughout the emergency management community and the administrative tasks
and correspondence involved in the nominations of exemplary practices in emergency management.

Under the policy guidance of Kay C. Goss, FEMA’s Associate Director for Preparedness, Partnerships in Preparedness
was implemented in the Preparedness Outreach Division under the direction of Thomas R. McQuillan. The project
officer during the development of this fourth edition was Maria A. Younker.

However, the many ideas, suggestions, and encouraging words of support received from people throughout the
public and private sectors of the emergency management community have given the effort vitality. All of the
individual State, Tribal, and local emergency managers whose support and nominations are a part of this edition
are acknowledged as contact people in the body of the Compendium.

The Compendium is an example of interagency cooperation between FEMA and the U.S. Department of Justice’s
National Institute of Justice (NIJ). NIJ’s assistance was instrumental in establishing and applying a model of
information sharing among local, State, and Federal agencies.

The individuals listed below played direct roles in developing this edition. We wish to thank everyone associated
with launching this initiative and helping it grow.

Federal Emergency Management Agency
Headquarters Leadership
Kay C. Goss
Associate Director for Preparedness

Michael Armstrong
Associate Director for Mitigation

Lacy E. Suiter
Executive Associate Director for Response and Recovery

JoAnn Howard
Administrator for Federal Insurance Administration

Carrye B. Brown
Administrator for U.S. Fire Administration

Clay G. Hollister
Executive Associate Director for Information Technology
Services

Bruce Campbell
Executive Associate Director for Operations Support

FEMA Regional Directors

Jeffrey A. Bean
Region I

Lynn G. Canton
Region II

Rita A. Calvan
Region III

John B. Copenhaver
Region IV

Dale W. Shipley
Region V

Raymond L. Young
Region VI

John A. Miller
Region VII

iv

____________________________________________________________________ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Richard P. Weiland
Region VIII

Martha Z. Whetstone
Region IX

David L. de Courcy
Region X

State, Tribal, and Local Partners

Elizabeth B. Armstrong, CAE
International Association of Emergency Managers

Garry L. Briese, CAE
International Association of Fire Chiefs

Trina Hembree
National Emergency Management Association

Andrea A. Walter
IOCAD Emergency Services Group

Heather Westra
Prairie Island Indian Community

FEMA Participants

Morris Boone
Office of Emergency Information and Media Affairs

Leo Bosner
Response and Recovery Directorate

Elizabeth R. Edge
Response and Recovery Directorate

Marilyn MacCabe
Mitigation Directorate

William J. Troup
U.S. Fire Administration

Kyle W. Blackman
Preparedness Directorate

David M. Larimer
Preparedness Directorate

Peggy Stahl
Preparedness Directorate

National Institute of Justice

William A. Ballweber
Raymond German
John Schwarz
Daniel Tompkins
Robyn Towles
Jeremy Travis

NIJ’s Information Clearinghouse Staff
(Operated by Aspen Systems Corporation)

Rob Lee
Becky Lewis
Laura Mitchell
Annie Pardo

v

Table of Contents

Foreword␣ ……………………………………………………………………………. Inside front cover

Acknowledgments␣ ……………………………………………………………………………………… iii

Introduction␣ …………………………………………………………………………………………………. 1

Exemplary Practices in Emergency Management␣ ………………………………………… 3

Indexes␣ ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 39

Program Contacts␣ …………………………………………………………………………………….. 41

Program Titles␣ ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 43

Program Subjects␣ ……………………………………………………………………………………… 45

Program Locations␣ …………………………………………………………………………………… 51

Appendix …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 53

Online Resources …………………………………………………………………………………….. 55

_________________________________________________ CONTENTS

vii

_________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION

Introduction
Dear Partners:

When dealing with disasters, we can accomplish more together as a group than as individuals. Natural disasters
permeate every corner of our communities. No individual, business, or organization is left untouched. For this
reason, communities need to work together to become better prepared. They need to take action before the next
earthquake, flood, hurricane, wildfire, or hazardous materials incident occurs.

Since 1995 the Preparedness Directorate has been producing A Compendium of Exemplary Practices in Emergency
Management. The objective of FEMA’s Compendium is to share information regarding innovative emergency man-
agement programs that have worked well so that these programs can be adopted elsewhere. By disseminating
information on exemplary practices that have worked, communities can better prepare themselves to respond to
the diversity of natural or man-caused disasters.

This volume contains various exemplary practices detailing how some communities have built partnerships and
implemented innovative programs to address specific areas of emergency management. It is FEMA’s goal that the
methods and principles contained in this Compendium be applied in any community across the country to help
build a safer and stronger America. By sharing your creative and innovative programs for dissemination through
this Compendium to the emergency management community, we can create a network of “Partners in Preparedness.”

As we create this network, it is important to remember that all individuals have a vital role in protecting our
communities from the effects of disasters. It has become evident by our Nation’s real-world events that emergency
management preparedness is necessary at all age levels of our society. Integrating emergency management aware-
ness education in our school curriculum promotes the development of an effective, comprehensive emergency
management infrastructure. We have included in this volume of the Compendium several exemplary practices that
are geared toward school-age youth in their primary and secondary years of study.

Project Impact is FEMA’s initiative to help communities build capabilities to reduce the effects of disasters. The
efforts undertaken by the Project Impact Communities are commendable and I am pleased that several of these
communities are recognized in this volume of the Compendium.

Also, this year I am pleased to recognize that the Compendium includes an exemplary practice from one of our
Tribal Government partners, the Prairie Island Indian Community. I have placed this exemplary practice first in the
“Exemplary Practices in Emergency Management” section to recognize the unique relationship between Native
American Tribal Governments and the United States Government. I hope to expand the Compendium to include a
section for Tribal Governments in future volumes.

A panel of our partners from the public and private emergency management community reviewed all of the
practices included in this volume; the practices have been certified as accurate by the submitters. FEMA is not
responsible for misinformation.

All four volumes of the Compendium are also published on the Internet at www.fema.gov/library/lib07.htm.

The organization of this document responds to FEMA’s goal to inform all interested individuals of innovative and
promising approaches to emergency management. The sections are organized alphabetically by the State from
which the exemplary practice was nominated. Under each State listing, the programs are organized alphabetically
by project name. Each program listing provides data in the following categories: name of the program, contact
person’s name, address, e-mail address where available, phone, and fax numbers; program type; population
targeted by the program; program setting; startup date; description of the program; evaluation information; annual

1

viii

budget; sources of funding; and in some cases, additional sources for information. The categories are highlighted to
help the reader peruse each listing for specific data. For example, check the Program Type description to get a
quick overview of the program’s purpose. Read the Program Description to learn more about the program’s goals
and operations. Check the Evaluation Information for indicators of its success.

Four indexes enable the readers to locate key information:

• Contact. The names of the program contacts are listed in alphabetical order to enable the reader to easily
identify the individuals to write to or call for further information.

• Title. The program titles are listed in alphabetical order.
• Subject. Most programs have been indexed to more than a single subject heading. Subject headings include

aspects such as the type of problem being addressed by the program (e.g., earthquakes, hurricanes), the pro-
gram type (e.g., damage assessment), and solutions to problems (e.g., evacuation routes, emergency response
teams).

• Location. This index enhances the Table of Contents by indicating the cities and counties within a State covered
by the program. If a program is multistate, that information is listed first under the name of each involved State.
If the program is operating throughout a single State, that information is provided next.

I hope that this Compendium is effective in helping you to take a step toward building a safer and stronger emer-
gency management community in your neighborhood. With your dedication and involvement, we can work to
prepare ourselves for tomorrow and build a more disaster-resistant America today.

I urge you to share your exemplary practices! We look forward to hearing from you.

Sincerely,

Kay C. Goss
Associate Director for Preparedness

2

_________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION

Exemplary
Practices in
Emergency
Management

5

PRAIRIE ISLAND INDIAN COMMUNITY

Prairie Island Fire Engine
Deployment

Contact:
Heather Westra
Emergency Planner
Prairie Island Indian

Community
5636 Sturgeon Lake Road
Welch, MN 55089
Tel: 651–385–2554, ext. 4285
Fax: 651–385–4110

Program Type:
Fire prevention.

Target Population:
Approximately 150 residents
of the Prairie Island Indian
Community and visitors to
the Treasure Island Resort
and Casino.

Setting:
Communitywide.

Project Startup Date:
1999.

Program Description:
The community is located on an island in the Mississippi River and is acces-
sible by only one paved road, bisected by a railroad line. A train derailment or
other road closure would result in the community’s becoming isolated from
fire protection by the Red Wing Fire Department, which is located approxi-
mately 13 miles away.

To prepare for such an emergency, the community has obtained a surplus fire
engine and is training volunteers to respond. Community members are being
trained as volunteer firefighters and they have been taught how to deploy the
vehicle in the event of an emergency, which results in increased response
capability and community involvement.

The fire engine was obtained by using U.S. Government surplus procedures.
It is also available for use by the Red Wing Fire Department on request.

Evaluation Information:
The Red Wing Fire Department has expressed gratitude for the additional
equipment and assistance.

Annual Budget:
Estimated at less than $2,000.

Sources of Funding:
This program is funded through Prairie Island Indian Community revenue.

6

ARKANSAS

Contact:
Terry Gray
Arkansas Office of Emergency

Services
P.O. Box 758
Conway, AR 72033
Tel: 501–730–9798
Fax: 501–730–9853
E-mail: terry.gray@
adem.state.ar.us

Program Type:
Flood mitigation.

Target Population:
Residents of the city of
McGehee.

Setting:
Residential area east of and
adjacent to Black Pond Slough.

Project Startup Date:
November 1995.

Program Description:
McGehee residents living east of and adjacent to Black Pond Slough had
experienced flooding numerous times in the previous 10 years, with approxi-
mately 25 houses incurring damages in excess of $1.1 million, or an annual
average of $150,000. Following severe flooding and designation of the neigh-
borhood as a Federal and State disaster area on January 27, 1994, the city of
McGehee surveyed local residents about flood damage and came up with a
plan to mitigate future damage.

The city built a 17-acre detention basin to the west of the affected subdivision,
as well as a containment levee on the east side of Black Pond Slough and the
north side of the detention basin. Storm water flows into the detention basin
and remains there until water in Black Pond Slough recedes. At that point, a
storm water pump with the capacity to empty the 5-foot deep basin in 48
hours discharges water back into the slough. The system also reduces flood-
water infiltration into the McGehee sewer system and damage to city streets.

The facility was completed in October 1998 and received its first test in January
1999 when 8.3 inches of rain fell in McGehee over a 3-day span. No homes
were flooded and the detention facility averted an estimated $200,000 in
damages.

Arkansas is currently helping North Little Rock and Helena to construct
similar facilities.

Annual Budget:
$1,000 for maintenance.

Sources of Funding:
FEMA provided 75 percent ($436,500) of needed funds, with State and local
agencies contributing the remaining 25 percent ($72,500 each).

Black Pond Slough Detention
Facility

7

Clay County Earthquake
Preparedness and Mitigation
Program

Contact:
Judge Gary Howell
151 South Second Avenue
Piggott, AR 72454
Tel: 870–598–2667
Fax: 870–598–5592

Program Type:
Earthquake mitigation.

Target Population:
Residents of Clay County,
Arkansas.

Setting:
Countywide.

Project Startup Date:
September 1997.

Program Description:
The Clay County Disaster Resistant Community Council, a voluntary organi-
zation, uses its members’ networking skills to promote earthquake prepared-
ness and mitigation in an area that lies atop the New Madrid fault. More than
4,000 minor earthquakes, most too small to be felt, have been detected in the
area since monitoring instruments were installed in 1974. Chances of an earth-
quake registering 6.0 or greater on the Richter scale occurring before 2000 have
been estimated at 50 percent, and before 2040 at 90 percent.

Council members focus their efforts on meeting goals of safety and earthquake
preparedness for schools, hospitals, and businesses, and citizen awareness and
education. Toward those ends, the council has leveraged more than $3 million
in grants and completed the following projects:

• Installed earthquake-sensitive gas valves in all county school buildings.
• Completed a seismic engineering survey for the Piggott and Central Clay

County school districts.

• Approved seismic retrofits for those two school districts.
• Completed applications for seismic retrofit grants for Corning School

District and Piggott Hospital.

• Developed a Clay County Hazard Assessment and Hazard Mitigation Plan.
Evaluation Information
FEMA has named Clay County and its three largest cities—Corning, Piggott,
and Rector—a Project Impact community. Only one city or county in each State
receives this designation, which means FEMA provides technical assistance
and support.

Annual Budget:
None given.

Sources of Funding:
FEMA grants have provided the majority of project funding. The council is
seeking other funding sources, including a 12.5-percent local match.

ARKANSAS

8

Los Angeles Unified School District
Earthquake and Safe Schools
Training

Contact:
Dan Austin
Chief of Staff/Assistant

Superintendent
Los Angeles Unified School

District
450 North Grand Avenue
Los Angeles, CA 90012
Tel: 213–625–6251
Fax: 213–485–0321
E-mail: mwong01@
lausd.k12.ca.us

Program Type:
Training.

Target Population:
Los Angeles Unified School
District staff.

Setting:
Throughout the school district.

Project Startup Date:
1995.

Program Description:
During two Shake Days held in November and April each year, every school
in the Los Angeles Unified School District responds to a scenario involving a
6.0-magnitude earthquake that result in injuries, death, chemical spills, and
other hazards. Students participate in drills, while school system employees
enact their roles as members of teams for first aid, search and rescue, student
assembly, fire suppression, security, and other tasks. All schools in the system
maintain 72-hour supplies of food and water and a large cargo container filled
with earthquake preparedness supplies, including search and rescue and first
aid kits. These enactments allow school system employees to exercise the
annual training they receive on rapid, effective response in the aftermath of a
major earthquake or other disaster.

The training program is held each year in 27 locations convenient to the
system’s clusters of schools, and includes the use of updated training manuals
and videos. In addition to the annual training, staff also hold a monthly
discussion on a specific safety preparedness topic as part of faculty meetings.

Staff have not yet had to use the training in the aftermath of an actual earth-
quake, but several schools have had occasion to apply the training to other
emergency situations, including school lockdowns following bank robbery
attempts in which gunfire had crossed campuses.

School districts across the Nation have requested materials and assistance to
use in modifying this training, which prepares all adult employees to protect
and shelter students in the event of a major disaster. The training was devel-
oped by the school district’s Office of the Superintendent, Office of Emergency
Services, and Professional Development Collaborative/Office of Instructional
Services. It also included contributions by the offices of Environmental Health
and Safety, Maintenance and Operations, Communications, and School Mental
Health, as well as the State of California Division of the State Architect. The
content and procedural model of the training was based on earthquake
preparedness training from the National Emergency Training Center in
Emmitsburg, Maryland.

Evaluation Information:
After receiving training, 95 percent of participants evaluated the program as
“excellent.”

Annual Budget:
$1.2 million.

Sources of Funding:
School district operating budget.

CALIFORNIA

9

Montecito Emergency Response
and Recovery Action Group
(MERRAG)

Contact:
Herb McElwee
Chief
Montecito Fire Protection

District
595 San Ysidro Road
Santa Barbara, CA 93108
Tel: 805–969–7762
Fax: 805–969–3598
E-mail: gsimmons@
montecitofire.com

Program Type:
Mutual self-help organization.

Target Population:
In addition to the 13,000 resi-
dents of Montecito, a seasonal
tourist and student population.

Setting:
Montecito.

Project Startup Date:
1987.

Program Description:
MERRAG uses the resources of its members and the community at large for
cooperative community disaster recovery response within the critical first 72
hours. Initially formed by the Montecito Fire, Water, and Sanitary Districts, the
group has since expanded to take in large private institutions, homeowners’
associations, and individuals as members.

MERRAG’s goals are to:

• Support the Fire District in its response to life-threatening situations.
• Coordinate support activities with outside emergency services agencies.
• Muster and organize local resources.
• Maintain a reliable communication system.
• Train District staff and community volunteers in disaster preparedness and

recovery.

• Minimize property damage.
• Provide assistance in qualifying for disaster relief funds.
The group demonstrated its ability to meet these goals during the 1997 and
1998 El Niño floods, which caused damage throughout the community.
MERRAG provided such services as traffic control where trees were downed
and preparation and delivery of sandbags to homes threatened by flooding.
MERRAG also offers ongoing training through monthly meetings and special
training events.

The group became incorporated as a private nonprofit corporation in 1993,
receiving a charitable designation from California and a 501(c)(3) designa-
tion from the Internal Revenue Service. This allows MERRAG to solicit tax-
deductible donations, which have been used to purchase equipment and
other resources.

Evaluation Information:
MERRAG was honored by the Montecito Association for its efforts during
the 1997 and 1998 El Niño floods. Project Impact coordinators approached
MERRAG and invited the organization to become a partner in Project Impact.
The organization was asked to partner as an example of how a community can
coordinate together to prepare for and recover from disasters.

Annual Budget:
$2,000 for supplies.

Sources of Funding:
Institutions, homeowners’ associations, and individuals pay membership fees
to cover the annual budget. Donations cover additional expenses.

CALIFORNIA

10

Public Education and Professional
Outreach Programs for Disaster
Preparedness

Contact:
Russell C. Coile
Disaster Coordinator/Emer-

gency Program Manager
Pacific Grove Fire Department
600 Pine Avenue
Pacific Grove, CA 93950–3317
Tel: 831–648–3110
Fax: 831–648–3107
E-mail: russell@coile.com

Program Type:
Public education and profes-
sional outreach.

Target Population:
Residents of Pacific Grove.

Setting:
Citywide.

Project Startup Date:
1990.

Program Description:
The Pacific Grove Fire Department has developed comprehensive programs
for educating local residents about disaster preparedness, including specific
programs that focus on earthquakes, fire safety, other natural disasters, and
oil spills.

Through its materials and presentations, the department promotes 72-hour
self-sufficiency for local residents by encouraging them to keep supplies of
medicine, food, drinking water, flashlights, and other essentials on hand.
Another program, “Oil Spill!”, is a four-act dramatization of the incident
command system and how it operates during a spill incident. The fire depart-
ment uses a portable two-story model house built to scale for a 6-year-old
child to teach local kindergarten students about earthquake and fire safety. It
also offers a 6-week training program for adult Volunteers in Preparedness
(VIPs), the local community emergency response teams.

In the past 10 years, numerous presentations have been given to such groups
as the Lions, Kiwanis, and Rotary clubs; the Pacific Grove Chamber of Com-
merce; the Pacific Grove School District; retirement communities and senior
centers; homeowners’ associations; the Boy Scouts; and the police depart-
ment’s Citizens’ Police Academy.

Evaluation Information:
The fire department’s emergency program manager has presented papers on
programs at conferences given by various State, national, and international
professional societies.

Annual Budget:
$2,000 for disaster preparedness literature.

Sources of Funding:
Pacific Grove funds the ongoing program through its annual budget. The
model house was built using a FEMA grant at a cost of $42,000.

CALIFORNIA

11

School-Based Disaster Mental
Health Services for Children in the
Laguna Beach Firestorm

Contact:
Merritt D. Schreiber, Ph.D.
Clinical Psychologist
Children and Youth Mental

Health Services
Orange County Health Care

Agency
3115 Redhill Avenue
Costa Mesa, CA 92626
Tel: 949–499–5346
Fax: 714–850–8492
E-mail: chipzhz@aol.com

Program Type:
Crisis counseling.

Target Population:
Children and adolescents
exposed to the Laguna Beach
firestorm and their families.

Setting:
All schools in Laguna Beach.

Project Startup Date:
October 1993.

Program Description:
On October 27, 1993, Santa Ana winds in excess of 45 miles per hour fanned an
arson-induced fire into a firestorm that caused the evacuation of the entire city
of Laguna Beach. The fire, which burned 16,682 acres, destroyed 366 homes
while damaging 84 more. Residents were unable to return to their homes for
3 days, and schools were closed for an additional 5 days.

The Laguna Beach United School District asked Children and Youth Mental
Health Services of Orange County to develop continuing mental health serv-
ices to help children and adolescents cope with post-traumatic stress in the
aftermath of the firestorm. These youth had to cope with events that included
seeing flames and burning homes; being evacuated from schools and homes;
being separated from parents for periods ranging up to 18 hours; trying to
save parents, homes, neighbors, and pets; inability to return home to rescue
pets or retrieve belongings; and losing their own homes or knowing someone
who lost their home.

Using a collaborative school-based model, a partnership that included schools,
the Orange County Health Agency, and private corporations provided services
to parents and children at each school that included crisis assessment; indi-
vidual, family, parent, group, and school counseling services; bilingual serv-
ices; and specialized outreach to minority populations. Between October 27,
1993, and March 30, 1995, services were provided to approximately 500
children.

Annual Budget:
None given.

Sources of Funding:
FEMA and the Emergency Services Disaster Relief Branch at the U.S. Depart-
ment of Health and Human Services, Center for Mental Health Services.

CALIFORNIA

12

FLORIDA

Adopt a House

Contact:
Ronald J. Ruback
Hazard Mitigation Coordinator
City of Deerfield Beach
150 Northeast Second Avenue
Deerfield Beach, FL 33441
Tel: 954–480–4249
Fax: 954–422–5812
E-mail: rruback@
deerfieldbch.com

Program Type:
Home renovation.

Target Population:
Low-income senior citizens.

Setting:
Deerfield Beach.

Project Startup Date:
1998.

Program Description:
The Adopt a House program provides storm shutters for the homes of low-
income senior citizens. Local businesses adopt houses and pay for the shutters,
which are installed by local high school students (who earn credit toward
community service activity requirements) and employees of the businesses.
These companies also provide drink and food for the volunteer workers.

To date, seven houses and one daycare center have received shutters under the
program. Shutters for the first group of homes were installed during spring
break 1998 and donated by the local Home Depot; the donation included one
set that did not fit any of the qualifying homes, but did fit a nearby daycare
center. When Home Depot stopped carrying the shutters, the city of Deerfield
Beach began recruiting among local businesses for donations of additional
shutters to continue the program.

Evaluation Information:
The entire hazard mitigation program of the city of Deerfield Beach recently
received the Florida Emergency Managers Award for preparedness. Adopt a
House has received positive publicity in the local media.

Annual Budget:
None given.

Sources of Funding:
Shutters will continue to be donated by local businesses.

13

Public/Private Emergency
Management Communication
Partnerships

Contact:
David Byron
Director
Community Information
County of Volusia
123 West Indiana Avenue
DeLand, FL 32720
Tel: 904–822–5062
Fax: 904–822–5072
E-mail: dbyron@co.volusia.fl.us

Program Type:
Public/private partnerships
for crisis communication.

Target Population:
Residents of, and visitors to,
Volusia County and surround-
ing areas.

Setting:
Volusia County Emergency
Operations Center; local
television and radio stations.

Project Startup Date:
1996.

Program Description:
Volusia Co

Sociology homework help

DQ 2 week4 response 6 449

Kaylynn Wester

There are three distinct groups types: Treatment groups, self-help groups, and task groups.  Treatment groups “focus on helping individuals to make changes by seeking to enhance their socioemotional well-being through the development of social skills, education, and therapy” (Hepworth, 2016).  Treatment groups often consist of subgroups like support groups, educational groups, growth groups, therapy groups, and socialization groups (Hepworth et al., 2016). 

In contrast self-help groups consist of members who have “central shared concerns, such as coping with addiction, illness, or obesity” (Hepworth et al., 2016).  Additionally, it’s notable to mention that many of these groups are led my nonprofessionals who have experienced and are managing the same issues as those presented in the group (Hepworth, 2016). 

Lastly, there are task groups that focus “on the group as a whole as the unit of change or the group as mechanism for influencing the individual members” (Hepworth et al., 2016).  Task groups are more structured around a specific issue or item, which members are generally assigned or elected producing a more formal environment (Hepworth et al., 2016).  Task groups be separated into three subtype groups: “1) Groups that are created to meet client needs, 2) Groups that are intended to meet organization needs, and 3) groups that address community needs” (Hepworth et al., 2016). 

In the scenario presented as self-help group maybe recommended.  The individual in the scenario is grief-stricken and holds a Christian worldview.  The individual maybe reluctant to receive help because the stigma that may be perpetrated by the Christian worldview.  In the self-help group it focus on interpersonal support and promoting an environment that enables an individual to regain charge on their lives (Hepworth et al., 2016).  Participating in a group that shares similar concerns and ideology will provide the individual with necessary social and emotional support to acknowledge, understand, and accept their feelings of grief.  In addition, the group may provide spiritual ways to help overcome grief and break the negative stigma that that maybe associated with grief.  Furthermore, the group would provide the individual with applicable tools manage and overcome grief using their faith.  Additionally, treatment groups like support groups, growth groups, and therapy groups would be suitable for addressing how to manage and overcome grief. 

Reference: 

Hepworth, D. H., Rooney, R. H., Rooney, G. D., & Strom-Godfried, K. (2016). Direct social work practice: Theory and skills (10th ed.). Boston, MA: Cengage.

Sociology homework help

INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY

Chapter 9: SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

College Physics

Chapter # Chapter Title

PowerPoint Image Slideshow

Throughout the world, the gap between those who are rich and those who are poor is widening.

Of the 7.3 billion people on the planet, 2.4 billion are so poor that they must subsist on the equivalent of two dollars a day or less.

There are a record-breaking 2,089 billionaires and 17 million millionaires, but there are hundreds of millions of homeless people.

The increase in world poverty also contributes to environmental degradation and political instability and violence, which drain resources that might be used to meet a nation’s domestic needs.

Economic Inequality
in the United States

Social stratification is a society’s system of ranking categories of people in a hierarchy.

Stratification produces social classes, categories of people who have similar access to resources and opportunities.

In early societies, people shared a common social standing. As societies evolved and became more complex, they began to elevate some members. Today, stratification, a system by which society ranks its members in a hierarchy, is the norm throughout the world. All societies stratify their members. A stratified society is one in which there is an unequal distribution of society’s rewards and in which people are arranged hierarchically into layers according to how much of society’s rewards they possess. To understand stratification, we must first understand its origins.

***HISTORY OF STRATIFICATION

Hunting and Gathering Societies

Hunting and gathering societies had little stratification. Men hunted for meat while women gathered edible plants, and the general welfare of the society depended on all its members sharing what it had. The society as a whole undertook the rearing and socialization of children and shared food and other acquisitions more or less equally. Therefore, no group emerged as better off than the others.

Horticultural, Pastoral, and Agricultural Societies

The emergence of horticultural and pastoral societies led to social inequality. For the first time, groups had reliable sources of food: horticultural societies cultivated plants, while pastoral societies domesticated and bred animals. Societies grew larger, and not all members needed to be involved in the production of food. Pastoral societies began to produce more food than was needed for mere survival, which meant that people could choose to do things other than hunt for or grow food.

Division of Labor and Job Specialization

Division of labor in agricultural societies led to job specialization and stratification. People began to value certain jobs more highly than others. The further someone was from actual agriculture work, the more highly he or she was respected. Manual laborers became the least respected members of society, while those engaged in “high culture,” such as art or music, became the most respected.

As basic survival needs were met, people began trading goods and services they could not provide for themselves and began accumulating possessions. Some accumulated more than others and gained prestige in society as a result. For some people, accumulating possessions became their primary goal. These individuals passed on what they had to future generations, concentrating wealth into the hands of a few groups.

Industrialized Societies

The Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain in the mid-1700s, when the steam engine came into use as a means of running other machines. The rise of industrialization led to increased social stratification. Factory owners hired workers who had migrated from rural areas in search of jobs and a better life. The owners exploited the workers to become wealthy, making them work long hours in unsafe conditions for very low wages. The gap between the “haves” and the “have-nots” widened.

The Improvement of Working Conditions

By the middle of the 1900s, workers had begun to secure rights for themselves, and the workplace became safer. Wages rose, and workers had something they had never had before: buying power. They could purchase homes, automobiles, and a vast array of consumer goods. Though their financial success was nothing compared to that of their bosses, the gap between the two was narrowing, and the middle class grew stronger.

At the same time, new forms of inequality took hold. The increasing sophistication and efficiency of factory machines led to the need for a different kind of worker—one who could not only operate certain kinds of equipment but could also read and write. The classification of the skilled worker was born. A skilled worker is literate and has experience and expertise in specific areas of production, or on specific kinds of machines. In contrast, many unskilled workers could neither read nor write English and had no specific training or expertise. The division arose between skilled and unskilled workers, with the former receiving higher wages and, as some would say, greater job security.

Postindustrial Societies

The rise of postindustrial societies, in which technology supports an information-based economy, has created further social stratification. Fewer people work in factories, while more work in service industries. Education has become a more significant determinant of social position. The Information Revolution has also increased global stratification. Even though new technology allows for a more global economy, it also separates more clearly those nations who have access to the new technology from those who don’t.

3

What is Social Stratification?

Refers to a society’s categorization of its people into rankings of socioeconomic tiers based on factors like wealth, income, race, education, and power.

Stratification is not about Wealth (net value of money and assets a person has) and income (person’s wages or investment dividends) usually determine strata in the US.

3 MAIN SYSTEMS OF STRATIFICATION:

Slavery, Caste System and Class system

Slavery’s Global History

Many Americans view slavery as a phenomenon that began with the colonization of the New World and ended with the Civil War, but slavery has existed for a very long time. Slavery appears in the Old Testament of the Bible, as well as in the Qur’an. It was common practice in ancient Greece and Rome.

The Causes of Slavery

A common assumption about slavery is that it is generally based on racism. Though racism was the primary cause of slavery in the United States, it was not the main reason that people in other areas were enslaved. Reasons for slavery include debt, crime, war, and beliefs of inherent superiority.

Debt: Individuals who could not pay their way out of debt sometimes had to literally sell themselves. If a slave’s debt was not paid off before his or her death, the debt was often passed down to his or her children, enslaving several generations of the same family.

Crime: Families against whom a crime had been committed might enslave members of the perpetrator’s family as compensation.

Prisoners of war: Slaves were often taken during wartime, or when a new territory was being invaded. When Rome was colonizing much of the known world approximately 2,000 years ago, it routinely took slaves from the lands it conquered.

Beliefs of inherent superiority: Some people believe that they have a right to enslave those who they believe are inherently inferior to them.

Slavery in the United States

Slavery in the United States was unique for several reasons. First, it had a fairly equal male-to-female ratio. Slaves also lived longer than in other regions. They often reproduced, and their children were born into slavery. In other countries, slavery was not permanent or hereditary. Once slaves paid off their debts, they were set free. In the United States, slaves were rarely freed before the Civil War.

Slavery Today

Slavery still exists today. As many as 400 million people live under conditions that qualify as slavery, despite laws prohibiting it. In the Sudan, Ghana, and Benin, slavery exists much as it did 800 years ago. In other parts of the world, including Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and Pakistan, debt slavery is common. Sex slavery, the forcing of girls into prostitution, is prevalent in Asia.

4

Modern Day Slavery

Modern Day Slavery

Systems of Stratification

Open system: are based on achievement and allow movement between different strata.

Class system: based on social factors and individual achievement.

Class: people who share similar status with regard to factors like wealth, income, education, and occupation.

Meritocracy: where personal effort determines social standing

Social Mobility

Social mobility refers to the ability to change positions within a social stratification system.

Upward mobility-Downward mobility

Intergenerational mobility explains a difference in social class between different generations of a family.

Intragenerational mobility describes a difference in social class between different members of the same generation.

Structural mobility happens when societal changes enable a whole group of people to move up or down the social class ladder.

Types of Poverty

Relative poverty is a state of living where people can afford necessities but are unable to meet their society’s average standard of living.

Subjective poverty describes poverty that is composed of many dimensions;

it is subjectively present when your actual income does not meet your expectations and perceptions.

absolute poverty lack even the basic necessities, which typically include adequate food, clean water, safe housing, and access to health care.

Close to 3 billion people live on less than $2.50 a day

Relative poverty: focuses on the idea that people are poor relative to some standard, and that standard is partially shaped by the lifestyles of other citizens

Episodic poverty: poor for at least two consecutive months in some time period.

Absolute poverty: establishes a fixed economic level below which people are considered poor, and this level does not necessarily change as society on the whole becomes more or less affluent.

A Global View of Poverty

In nations such as Ethiopia, Liberia, and Somalia, well over 50 percent of the people live in such severe poverty.

Few, if any, of the poor in the United States experience such severe poverty.

Trends of the past century have produced higher levels of inequality in the United States while the trend in Britain has been toward reducing levels of inequality.

9

How much economic inequality is there in the United States today?

This is 13 times as much as the 3.8% earned by the poorest one-fifth of families.

Distribution of Income in the United States

10

How much economic inequality is there in the United States today?

Note that wealth is distributed much more unequally than income: 60% of families have less than 2% of all wealth.

Distribution of Wealth in the United States

Why Does Poverty Persist?

6.6: Analyze the individualistic, structural, and cultural explanations for poverty.

Many theories are offered to explain the nature of poverty and account for why so many people are impoverished in the U.S.:

Individualistic explanations

Structural explanations

Cultural explanations

Individualistic Explanations: poverty is primarily the result of laziness or lack of motivation, and those who are poor generally have only themselves to blame.

Individualistic explanations are popular in America because there is great ambivalence toward those who are poor.

Meritocracy

Structural explanations: attribute poverty to the functioning of the dominant institutions of society, such as markets and corporations.

assumes that poverty is a result of economic or social imbalances within the social structure that restrict opportunities for some individuals (e.g., a changing economy, a drive for profit inherent in capitalism, racism, sexism, an eroding safety net).

Cultural explanations: people become adapted to certain ways of life because of the way they were raised, including adapting to poverty.

a “culture of poverty” arises among poor people, with new norms, values, and aspirations.

The idea that there is a culture of poverty that arises among chronically poor individuals and families is controversial.

12

Class Traits and Fashion

Class traits: also called class markers, are the typical behaviors, customs, and norms that define each class.

Georg Simmel: Duality of differentiation and conformity/imitation

Fashion is a custom followed transiently.

It is a social phenomenon that occurs in almost all ages, races, social classes and societies.

Trends in clothing, music, cars and accessories.

Fashion As Imitation

“Fashion is an imitation of a given model”

Imitation provides the individual the security of not being alone in their performance.

The fusion of the individual and community.

Fashions die out when they become practiced by more and more people.

Symbolic Interactionism: In most communities, people interact primarily with others who share the same social standing; note that people’s appearance reflects their perceived social standing

Conspicuous consumption refers to buying certain products to make a social statement about status

Simmel: “En Vogue” is in large measure a consequence of higher classes attempting to distance themselves from the lower classes.

Fashion is a visible and easily identifiable sign of class position.

As lower classes seek to imitate higher classes, the upper classes seek new ways to retain and express their distinctiveness.

Modern society: mass production, access to wealth (purchasing power), cheaper products

Paradox: as we try to be unique in our fashion choices, we turn to buying mass-produced, standardized goods.

14

“Tragedy of Culture”

A social constraint in which the ‘objective culture’ (material items we create) comes to dominate ‘subjective culture’ (self-development, interactions and individual will).

Compromises self-development and individuality by increasing conformity.

Cell Phone

Car

Computers

Money

Media

High price of Materialism (click for video)

Simmel described blasé attitude as an attitude of absolute boredom and lack of concern.  He goes on and states that we have limited emotional resources and are only able to give/care so much. Simmel explains it as a multiple stimuli and at the final step we withdraw emotionally. After reading this article, I could see the relations it has with blasé attitude and the bystander effect. Simmel talks about how we withdraw emotionally due to changes in knowledge, culture and how we are faced with diverse people and circumstances. 

15

The Poverty Line

Poverty line: income level set by the government for the purpose of counting the poor

Roughly 3x what a family needs to eat a basic, nutritious diet.

The Consequences of Poverty

More than any other social class, the poor suffer from short life expectancies and health problems, including heart disease, high blood pressure, and mental illness. Reasons include the following:

Poor people are often not well educated about diet and exercise. They are more likely than people in higher social strata to be overweight and suffer from nutritional deficits.

They are less likely to have health insurance, so they put off going to the doctor until a problem seems like a matter of life and death. At that time they must find a public health facility that accepts patients with little or no insurance.

Living in poverty brings chronic stress. Poor people live every day with the uncertainty of whether they can afford to eat, pay the electric bill, or make the rent payment. Members of the middle class also have stress but have more options for addressing it.

Poor people usually do not have jobs that offer them vacation time to let them relax.

High levels of unresolved stress, financial problems, and poor health can wreak havoc within a relationship. Poor people report more relationship problems than do people in other classes and have higher rates of divorce and desertion. The children of such families are more likely than their middle-class counterparts to grow up in broken homes or in single-parent, female-headed households.

The Culture of Poverty

Anthropologist Oscar Lewis coined the term culture of poverty, which means that poor people do not learn the norms and values that can help them improve their circumstances; hence, they become trapped in a repeated pattern of poverty. Because many poor people live in a narrow world in which all they see is poverty and desperation, they never acquire the skills or the ambition that could help them rise above the poverty level. Since culture is passed down from one generation to the next, parents teach their children to accept their circumstances rather than to work to change them. The cycle of poverty then becomes self-perpetuating.

Though the stratification system of the United States is based on class rather than on caste, some people claim that a racial caste system exists in this country. Slavery was outlawed after the Civil War, but some believe it was replaced by another prejudicial system—a caste system based on race. Though whites could no longer own slaves, they still considered themselves to be superior to people of African descent. They insisted on separate recreational, educational, and other facilities for themselves and their families and even prevented intermarriage between people of different races. Before this time, one’s race was a strong indicator of destiny, and some would say that there is still a racial caste system in the United States today

16

In 2012, there were 46.5 million people in poverty, for a poverty rate of 15%

The Poverty Rate

The Poverty Rate in the United States,

1960-2012

The Poor: Who is at greatest risk?

Race: African Americans and Hispanics

Age: children

Gender: women

Family Patterns: single mothers

Region: the South and the West

Social Circumstances

The Working Poor

Despite common misconceptions, many adults below the official poverty line actually work for a living, often at low-paying or part-time work.

The Unemployed

The unemployed receive unemployment benefits for a time, but these are exhausted eventually.

Poor health, lack of skills, lack of jobs, lack of child care

Gender inequalities of this social phenomenon

Family composition: dissolution of marital unions, constitutions of families without these unions, higher male mortality

Family organization

Gender division of labor and consumption within the household, gender roles regulating the control over household resources

Inequality in the access to public services or in their quality

Barriers to education of girls, educational segregation by sex, lack of women specific health attention

Inequality in social protection

Contributory pensions systems reproducing previous labor market inequalities, lower access to pensions and social assistance by women, inequality in benefit concession or in benefit values in targeted policies

Labor market inequalities

Occupational segregation, intra-career mobility, differential levels of employment in paid work, wage discrimination, duration of work shifts.

Legal, paralegal and cultural constrains in public life

Property rights, discrimination in the judiciary system, constrains in community and political life, etc.

18

Problems Linked to Poverty

1 out of 30 children or 2.5 million children

58K homeless veterans

Texas, California and Florida have the highest numbers of unaccompanied homeless youth under 18 (lgbtq 20% to 40%)

Homelessness affects men more than women 70%

Causes of homelessness can be found in recent social trends, such as

the decline in the number of industrial jobs that pay a living wage,

the flight of jobs from the cities where people live,

the contraction of social welfare,

increases in poverty, and

the decline in the amount of low-cost housing.

Other Causes: affordable housing, deinstitutionalization, redevelopment, US dept of VA, nearly half of foster children in the US become homeless (aging out of system), natural disasters, ex-cons and those hiding from authorities, fleeing domestic violence, teenagers who flee home, evictions, lack of social capital

College youth: FAFSA 2013 58K identified as homeless

19

Poor health

Linked to a lack of good nutrition.

The infant mortality rate among the poor is twice the rate among affluent people.

Death comes earlier to the poor; more likely to die from infectious diseases and violence.

Substandard Housing

decline in availability of low-rent apartments

housing crisis starting in 2007

Homelessness

About 610,000 people are homeless on a given night

Up to 2.3 million people are homeless at some point during the year

Average monthly income for homeless families is $475

Problems Linked to Poverty

Limited schooling and education

Poor children are less likely than rich children to complete high school.

Poor counseling

Unresponsive administrators

Overcrowded classes

Irrelevant curricula

Tracking/grouping

Dilapidated school facilities (click for video)

Several can be addressed with more funding

Some are stalemated by disagreements

The Rising Cost of Education

Fewer poor children enter college; they have less chance of completing an advanced degree.

Education

One determinant of socioeconomic status is education. People with a high school degree are classified in one group. People with college degrees are put into another. Using educational attainment levels to indicate SES is problematic for two reasons:

School systems in this country are not uniform in quality.

Not everyone has equal access to primary, secondary, and higher education.

Free, compulsory education has existed in the United States since the beginning of the twentieth century, but some school systems are better than others. The American public education system tends to be highly decentralized, with decisions about what to include in the school curriculum being made at the state or local level. School systems differ widely in what they choose to teach and when.

Disparity of Resources Among Public Schools

Some school systems produce graduates who are prepared for higher education, while others turn out people whose basic math and language skills are so poor that they qualify for only a few types of jobs. The quality of the education a school provides depends largely on its budget, which in turn relies heavily on the tax base of the town or city in which it is located. Wealthy cities can afford better teachers, newer materials, and superior technology, whereas poor cities can barely afford basic supplies.

Poorer communities also tend to have a higher dropout rate than wealthier communities. Therefore, while establishing a profile of a typical high school graduate is difficult, the assumption remains, for the purposes of social classification, that all high school graduates are equally prepared for either the workplace or for higher education.

Disparity in Higher Education

The reliance on educational level as an indicator of social class becomes more problematic when one considers the huge variety of colleges in the United States. There are vocational schools, junior colleges, four-year colleges, and universities. Some colleges prepare individuals for specific careers, whereas others emphasize the development of intellectual and life skills. Religiously oriented colleges focus on development of the spirit and the teaching of theology as well as academic material. Some colleges encourage their students to pursue graduate degrees, whereas others assist middle-aged people in returning to college after long absences from the academic sphere.

Cost of Higher Education

As the quality of higher education varies, so does the cost of attending college. Even if our federal government completely subsidized the cost of a college education, as governments in some countries do, the financial circumstances of some individuals would preclude them from seeking higher education.

20

Problems Linked to Poverty

Crime and Punishment

A focus on “street crime” means the poor are more likely to face arrest, trial, conviction, and prison.

The poor depend more on public defenders and court-appointed attorneys.

Conviction of a crime increases difficulty of finding a good job.

Political Alienation

Voters in 2012: 54% of people earning less than $40,000; 80% of people earning at least $100,000

“The Metropolis and Mental Life”

The intensity of stimuli in the urban environment

its consequences for the psychology of the city dweller.

The metropolitan person is bombarded with sensory impressions that lead him to adopt, out of necessity, an intellectualized approach to life.

Void of emotional investment (click for video)

What does it mean to be a homeless?

•According to the National Health Care for the Homeless Council a homeless is an individual who lacks housing and any other resources to have a comfortable living.

•These individuals may live on the streets; stay in a shelter, mission, single room occupancy facilities, abandoned building or vehicle; or in any other unstable or non-permanent situation.

Why do people become homeless?

•Poverty #1

•Unable to affordable Housing

•Health problems

•Substance Abuse

•Domestic violence

•Veterans

•Mentally Ill

Misconceptions about homeless population

#1. Homelessness is a choice

#2. They are all lazy

#3. All homeless are addicts

#4. Homeless people are dangerous

#5. Homelessness will never happen to me

Homeless Women

Feminist Standpoint Theory

Homeless women represent about 32% of the homeless population

Feminist Standpoint Theory is certain socio-political positions occupied by women that can become starting points for asking questions about not only those who are socially and politically marginalized but also those who, by making a dent in social and political privilege, occupy the positions of oppressors.

Application: by having a woman in a position of power when dealing with the needs of the homeless population a woman can take on the issues of the homeless more adequately because they can see the problem from the marginalized perspective

Shelter Options

Example: How shelters are geared toward men rather than women

Two options when it comes to shelters:

Shelters for women with children

Being lumped in with men

Being in a shelter surrounded by men isn’t an option for many women due to sexual assault or domestic violence

50% experienced violence in the last year

25% experienced violence at least 4 times in the last year

Intersectionality

Intersectionality is the interconnected nature of social categories such as race, class, and gender as they apply to a given individual or group, it is regarded as creating overlapping and interdependent systems of discrimination or disadvantage.

Example: The income inequality that was supported by racist and sexist institutional arrangements can be associated with the increase of women being on the streets

Wadge Gap Chart

Health Needs

Meeting most basic Health needs is very challenging

At any given time approximately 10% of homeless women are pregnant a rate twice that of all us women

Lack of knowledge and access to contraception

Homeless women are almost three times more likely to have preterm delivery

Though there are services for homeless women who are pregnant many, do not access them for fear of losing newborn to CPS or they are uninformed about services that exist

Homeless Veterans

How many veterans in the United States are homeless?

Homeless veterans are widely reported to make up about 30 percent of the homeless adult population.

In 2016, about 39,471 homeless veterans were identified.

Within that population

Mostly males

African American

Many with a mental and/or physical disability

Why are Veterans Homeless?

Lack of support through family and friends and social networks

They do not have liable income and health care

Many suffer from mental illness, physical disabilities, and substance abuse

There’s not a lot of affordable housing

Homeless Youth

Sociology homework help

Week 8: Module 8 Assignment Peer Evaluation Review Framework (Peer- 1)

Section 1: Advocacy Rationale

After reviewing the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, what type of advocacy rationale do you think is being applied? Does your peer clearly state what rationale they are applying to justify the new policy, or did you have to come to a conclusion about the rationale on your own? If your peer did provide a rationale, do you agree with the justification provided by your peer?

Section 2: Policy Making Process

After your review of the peer Module PowerPoint, has all eight tasks of the policy making process been applied to the analysis and evaluation of existing policies? What are the skills and essential competencies applied by your peer to develop the new social policy?

Section 3: Building New Policy Agenda

During your review of the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, can you clearly see the diagnosis, softening and moderating of context and activation of change to build new policy agenda? Does the PowerPoint clearly apply the six steps of the Policy Analysis, Proposal-Writing, and Presentation Framework for existing policy and their newly created policy?

Section 4: Fake News

Does the assigned peer Module 7 PowerPoint, identify fake news, misinformation, or disinformation campaigns for existing policies? How does the PowerPoint address how social media will be leveraged to promote the new policy?

Section 5: Policy Key Questions and Analysis

Does the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, use the Policy Key Questions and Policy Analysis tools? What do the results tell you about existing policy options and the new policy presented by your peer?

Section 6: Policy Challenges

After reviewing the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, what are the common policy challenges that you have identified for the new policy presented in each of the PowerPoints?

Section 7: Policy Type

After reviewing the Module 7 PowerPoint, can you tell which one of the eleven policy types were used? Was the research evidence used primary or secondary research? Was there any indication that a quasi-experimental design was used to compare a control and intervention groups?

Section 8: Policy Reform

After reviewing the peer Module 7 PowerPoint, what is the most advantageous policy reform method for each new policy

Sociology homework help

Module 1: Leveraging Social Work Practice and
Policy
Four Rationales of Advocacy

POLICY

In Module 1, we briefly discuss how social work advocates act as change agents to
leverage Policy to foster social justice. We discuss micro (interactions with clients and
their families), macro (local, state, and federal), and mezzo (organizations and
communities) levels of advocacy (Jansson, 2018, pg. 32). We review Chapters 2 and 3
of the Jansson (2018) text. We review Jansson’s four Rationales for Participating in
Policy Advocacy: Ethical Rationale, Analytic Rationale, Political Rationale, and
Electoral Rationale.

The ethical rationale for advocacy is foundational to social work practice. It focuses on
combating disparities related to inequality, oppression, underrepresentation, and
discrimination, leading to restricted opportunities and feelings of powerlessness. Ethical
advocacy imagines a better tomorrow for the that: (1) respects the client’s right to
autonomy or self-determination and (2) empowers the client to advocate for themselves.

The analytic rationale is an evidence-based policy approach, focused on research and
science (Jansson, 2018). Research can be used to justify the use of a certain treatment
methodologies, programs and products. Depending on the Policy, special interest
groups, legislators, and politicians can present research results to support or refute the
credibility and feasibility of social policies.

The social work advocate who uses the political rationale wants to make to have a
significant impact on the greatest number of people on the state or national level. To
successfully execute such a significant endeavor, the social worker must work with
individuals, communities, special interest groups, stakeholders, government officials,
politicians, and legislators.

While the political rationale advocacy approach requires that the advocate be at the
peripherals of the political process, the electoral process is a true deep dive into the
political process. This approach requires formal affiliations with specific political parties
(Democrats, Republicans, and Independents) (Jansson, 2018). Application of the
electoral rationale may require that advocates to set aside ethical considerations and
sometimes analytical reasoning aside, in support of party affiliation (Jansson, 2018).

1. Advocacy Rationale !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

After reviewing the two peer policy PowerPoints, what type of advocacy
rationale do you think is being applied?

Does your peer clearly state what rationale they are applying to justify the new
Policy, or did you have to come to a conclusion about the rationale on your own?

If your peer did provide a rationale, do you agree with the justification provided
by your peer???

Diversity, Contextual Factors, and Policy

Context Matters when constructing Policy. All three levels, micro, mezzo, and macro,
include internal factors, external factors, opportunities, and constraints. The
consideration of contextual factors, opportunities, and constraints are foundational
elements of Jansson’s (2018) eight-task Systems Approach to Policy Making. The eight
tasks of the policy are as follows (p. 71):

• Task 1: Deciding what is right and wrong
• Task 2: Navigating policy and advocacy systems
• Task 3: Agenda-setting
• Task 4: Problem-analyzing
• Task 5: Proposal writing
• Task 6: Policy-enacting
• Task 7: Policy-implementing
• Task 8: Policy-assessing

The successful execution of the eight policy-making tasks required the application of the
four rationales (ethical, analytic, political, and electoral) of advocacy at some point in
the process. According to Jansson (2018), four policy skills or competencies must also
be applied. These four essential competencies are (Jansson, 2018, p.80):

• Analytic skills to critically analyze the components of Policy
• Political skills to leverage power with different groups of stakeholders
• Interactional skills to collaborate with different groups such as committees and

coalitions
• Value-clarifying skills to “identify relevant ethical principles when engaging in

policy practice”

2. Policy-Making Process!!!! !!!!!

After your review of the two-peer policy PowerPoints, has all eight tasks of the policy
making process been applied to analysis and evaluation of existing policies?

What are the skills and essential competencies applied by your peer to develop
the new social policy?

Module 2: Building Policy Agenda and Analyzing Policy

Module 2 focused on building policy agenda, which starts with identifying critical
stakeholders like agency executives, community activists, and government
officials. Even with the help of stakeholders, there will be challenges to building a
compelling legislative agenda to develop meaningful policy. Jansson (2018) proposes a

three-phase model to help social work practitioners assess potential challenges. Policy
advocates can embark on a three-phased approach to build policy agendas (p. 181):

• Diagnose the context
• Soften and Moderate the context
• Activate Change

Building Policy

The diagnosing the context is a “listening stage.” (Jansson, 2018, p. 183), where policy
advocates collect as much information as possible about the history of existing and
emerging problems, as well as solutions, in the form of existing programs and policies.
Advocate will apply several competency skills (political, analytic, interactional, and
value-clarifying) to elicit information and gain awareness on important issues to develop
a comprehensive policy agenda.

The soften and moderate the context phase is task 8 od Jansson’s (2018) policy making
process discussed in Module 1. Task 8 is the policy assessing task, which is a
utilitarian, data-driven, research, and solution focused approach.

The activate change phase of the policy agenda building model is focused ona variety
ofimportant actions including the following ten components identified by Jansson (2018,
p. 189-190):

• Timing and windows of opportunity
• Coupling
• Framing and funding a title
• Negotiating and bargaining
• Assembling early sponsors
• Routing
• Media coverage
• Setting key endorsements
• Coalition building
• Building momentum

The ten components identified by Jansson (2018) are not listed in sequential order, nor
do they all have to occur to successfully build policy agenda. The components that the
policy advocate must focuses on are dependent on the policy topic, the social issue, the
target population, the stakeholders, special interest groups, legislators and politicians.
Available funding, sponsorship and opposition should also be considered.

In Module 2, we also reviewed and discussed Jansson’s (2018) Six Step Policy
Analysis, Proposal-Writing, and Presentation Framework which includes the
following steps:

• Familiarizing oneself with a social problem and set a goal or goals
• Identify an array of relevant options
• Comparing the relative merits of competing options

• Drafting proposals
• Seeking supporters or funders for specific proposals
• Making key presentations

To successfully complete the six steps policy advocates must identify and define the
rationale for their policy advocacy efforts, as applying the appropriate skills and
competencies.

3. Building New Policy Agenda

During your review of the two peer policy PowerPoints, can you clearly see the
diagnosis, softening and moderating of context and activation of change to build
new policy agenda?

Does the PowerPoint clearly apply the six steps of the Policy Analysis,
Proposal-Writing, and Presentation Framework for Existing Policy and their
Newly Created Policy?

Module 3: Impact of Social Media on Social Issues
In Module 3, we examined how social media coverage, exchange of information and
ideas influence perceptions of contemporary social issues that inform social policies.
We defined and discussed the proliferation of fake news, misinformation and
disinformation campaigns, and alternative facts. We also discussed how policy
advocates are leveraging social media to provide awareness and promote social justice.
We concluded Module 3 with a discussion on how to combat fake news.

There is no universal definition for fake news. For this course, we use the Webopedia
(2019) definition of fake news:

Fake news, or hoax news, refers to false information or propaganda published under
the guise of being authentic news. Fake news websites and channels push their fake
news content in an attempt to mislead consumers of the content and spread
misinformation via social networks and word-of-mouth.

Dictionary.com (2019) defines misinformation as “false information that is spread,
regardless of whether there is intent to mislead, while Collins dictionary (2019) defines
misinformation as “wrong information which is given to someone, often in a deliberate
attempt to make them believe something which is not valid.” Misinformation is often,
does not start as intentionally malicious. Instead, it starts as news that people find
interesting, concerning, and ultimately important enough to share with other people. As
the information is shared, the misinformation spreads rapidly, quickly creating a group of
people who genuinely believe it to be factual. The key to the spread of misinformation is
successfully tapping into the shared biases of individuals and groups

Dictionary.com (2019) defines disinformation as “deliberately misleading or biased
information; manipulated narrative or facts; propaganda, while Merrimack Webster
dictionary (2019) defines disinformation as:

False information deliberately and often covertly spread (as by the planting of rumors) in
order to influence public opinion or obscure the truth; false information that is given to
people in order to make them believe something or to hide the truth.

Disinformation starts as intentional and is meant to be biased, and creators of the
information fully understand that they may engage in propaganda. Disinformation
campaigns are meant to influence perceptions with information that is manipulated and
may be demonstrably false. Disinformation is intentionally malicious, meant to hurt or
disadvantage specific individuals and particular groups.

Alternative facts are a subcategory of disinformation. Alternative facts are information
that intentionally altered to present information favorable to a political or special interest
group (Walters, 2019). Alternative facts are meant to confuse about basic facts, which
then turns into misinformation that spreads, which thereby creates a new alternative
reality made of false information that is experienced as genuine content by masses of
social media users (Walters, 2019).

In the same way that information can be used to proliferate fake news, it can also be
used responsibly to promote awareness about social policy. Social media can be used
to educate the masses on policy objectives, goals, stakeholders, sponsors, supporting
politicians, how to access services, register and utilize services. In the absence of
bipartisan congressional efforts to pass policies to regulate the proliferation of fake
news, disinformation campaigns and alternative facts, we have non-partisan, non-
politically affiliated fact checker sites, such as PolitiFact, diligently investigate mistruths
and present facts to the public.

4. Fake News

Does the TWO assigned peer policy PowerPoints, identify fake news,
misinformation, or disinformation campaigns for existing policies?

How does the PowerPoint address how social media will be leveraged to
promote the new policy?

Module 4: Analyzing Policy Options
In Module 4, we used the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) methods
and tools to analyze existing policy critically. Students completed a six-part CDC
training: Introduction to Policy Analysis in Public Health. The public health and social
work fields both focus on contextual factors, personal demographics, and personal
histories that influence the sociological psychological, physical, and economic well-
being of vulnerable populations. Students also reviewed the policy analysis table and
policy analysis key questions as tools to analyze policy. The CDC tools will be used
through Module 8 for the evaluation of existing and newly developed policies.

CDC Policy Making Process

The CDC (2016a) proposes five elements of Policy Making Process (slide 6):

• Policy identification
• Policy analysis
• Strategy and policy development
• Policy enactment
• Policy implementation

The CDC elements have some similarities to Jansson’s (2018) policy agenda, policy
making elements, and competencies from Module 1 and two. CDC also presents similar
skills and competencies to accomplish the policy making process. The CDC key
behaviors for the Policy Analysis Competency include the ability to (CDC, 2016a, slide
7):

• Develop a problem definition. (Describe a public health problem in terms of
magnitude, population, and time and place, including associated risk and
protective factors.)

• Collect and analyze background information relevant to the cause of the problem.
• Identify policy options. and assess policy options against relevant criteria,

including benefits, risks, costs, and feasibility.
• Select course(s) of action, including the preparation of communications regarding

the selected course(s) of action (e.g., presentations, decision memos, or policy
briefs, which include a recommendation for action).

• Identify and understand the roles and perspectives of key stakeholders at
federal, state, or local levels.

• Understand economic analysis methodologies (e.g., cost-benefit analysis or cost-
effectiveness analysis) and their use in assessing policy options or existing
policies.

The timing and windows of opportunity, (also identified in Jansson’s (2018) “activate
change phase) is crucial to the CDC policy development. The key condition “window of
opportunity” can occur when the policy: (1) is congruent with the national mood; (2)
enjoys interest group support; (3) lacks organized opposition; (4) fits the orientation of
the prevailing legislative coalition or administration; (5) is technologically feasible; and
(6) has budget workability(slide 10) (2016b).

Key Questions and Ranking Criteria

The CDC uses key questions and a ranking system to rate existing policies against
established criteria. CDC (2018) developed two tools to help with this process:

• Policy Analysis: Key Questions
• Policy Analysis Table

Both tools assist policy advocates with selecting the best policy options. This
information can be presented to stakeholders and decision-makers. We reviewed the
policy analysis key questions tool to help analyze the impact and feasibility of a policy.
The tool poses several critical questions that policy makers should consider when
assessing the benefits and limitations of policy options. We reviewed the policy analysis
table, which rates the three criteria as low, medium, high. Both tools should be used,
and the results included in the Module 7 PowerPoint to select the best policy options.

5. Policy Key Questions and Analysis

Does the two peer policy PowerPoints, use the Policy Key Questions and Policy
Analysis tools?

What do the results tell you about existing policy options and the new policy
presented by your peer?

Module 5: Evaluating Social Policies

In Module 5, we continued our use of the Center for Disease Control and Prevention
(CDC) methods and tools to evaluate existing policy critically. Students completed a six-
part CDC online training: Introduction to Policy Evaluation in Public Health. We review
the CDC (2016c) Framework for Evaluation in Public Health, which provides six
practical steps and four sets of standards for designing and implementing an evaluation
for social policies. The six steps of the CDC Evaluation framework are as follows
(2016c):

• Engage stakeholders
• Describe the program
• Focus evaluation design
• Gather credible evidence
• Justify conclusions
• Ensure use of findings and sharing lessons learned

The CDC framework provides four standards, which should be administered as a “lens
to help” categorize and “isolate the best approaches at each step” (2016c, p. 10). These
four standards are:

• Utility
• Feasibility
• Proprietary
• Accuracy

The CDC also proposes five considerations for the Policy Making process
(2016c):

• Identifying Impact
• Collecting data
• Working with stakeholders
• Complying with Laws and Regulations
• Dealing with Uncertainty

Policy evaluation can have many uses include the following outcomes (2016c):

• Document and inform the policy development, adoption, and implementation
process.

• Determine policy effectiveness at improving targeted health outcomes.
• Gauge support for proposed policies.
• Assess compliance within existing policies.
• Contribute to the evidence base.
• Inform future policies and policy efforts.
• Help identify results of policy efforts, including health outcomes.

The considerations for policy evaluation for the describing the policy effort domain
includes a critical analysis of several components (2016d):

• Goals and Objectives of the Policy
• Content of the Policy
• Context Surrounding the Policy
• Underlying Logic and Casual Pathways Supporting the Policy

Considerations for policy evaluations in the focusing the evaluation design domain of
the evaluation process starts with reviewing the (2016d):

• Purpose of the policy evaluation
• The user of the information
• The use of the information

Gathering credible evidence in the policy evaluation is important to the policy evaluation
framework. Selecting the right type of measures to accurately define outcome data is
paramount. The CDC (2016d) evaluation framework presents two types of measures
(p.22):

• Process measure – measures activities/outputs that have been developed
correctly.

• Outcomes measure – measures the extent to which objectives are achieved.

There are three primary data collection methods: qualitative, quantitative and
mixed methods. Qualitative data collection methods include structured

interviews, Semi-structured interviews, focus groups, case studies and narratives.
Quantitative data method includes surveys, questionnaires, and tracking tools that
gather information on numerical. Qualitative data can be quantified but is initially
collected as textual data. Mixed methods combine both qualitative and quantitative
methods. The CDC (2016d) presents four types of data sources: surveillance data,
administrative data, legislative or policy database, interview with stakeholders and focus
groups (p. 22).

Justifying conclusions during the evaluation process includes, but is not limited to the
following actions (CDC, 2016d, p. 21):

• Assess external and internal contextual factors related to policy changes
• Explain results to develop evaluation questions, policy goals and logic models
• Analyze and equate results to resolve inconsistencies from multiple data sources
• Present data results to stakeholders in a way that is meaningful and

understandable

Presenting the evaluation results to stakeholders, policy makers, colleagues, partners
and the public is critical. To ensure, that findings are reported and presented well, the
CDC (2016d) recommends that the presenter adhere to four following:

• Know your audience.
• Identify objectives of communications.
• Consider the best frame for your message to meet the communication objectives.
• Consider the methods you will use to deliver your message.

In an ideal world, policy evaluation would be a seamless process, with no deviations
from CDC’s (2016d) recommended six steps. However, this not a perfect world, and
challenges to the policy evaluation process will arise. CDC (2016d) identifies nine
common challenges:

• Fear of Evaluation and Lack of Familiarity with Policy Evaluation Methods
• Lack of Control over Policy Implementation
• External and Contextual Factors
• Lack of Resources or Clear Responsibility for Evaluation
• Conflicting Results
• Occasional Rapid Pace of Policy; Desire for Quick Production of Results
• Lack of Strong Evidence Base, Access to Appropriate Data, and Appropriate

Measures
• Lag in Availability of Data
• Challenges in Finding an Equivalent Comparison Group

6. Policy Challenges

After reviewing the two peer policy PowerPoints, what are the common policy
challenges that you have identified for the new policy presented in each of the
PowerPoints?

Module 6: Evidenced-Based Policies
In Module 6, we discussed different types of evidence-based policies, supportive
evidence for research evidence, and barriers to evidence-based policies. During the
policy evaluation phase of policy making, policy advocates must be prepared to defend
their arguments and debate the merits and drawbacks for specific policies. Evidence-
based research provides the support needed to gain support and funding for social
policies.

Evidence-Based Research

There are a whole host of policy types that can be assessed. Jansson (2018) lists the
following eleven policy types:

• Needs meeting policies
• Opportunity-enhancing policy
• Social service policies
• Referral and linkage policies
• Civil rights policies
• Human rights policies
• Equality-enhancing policies
• Asset accumulation policies
• Infrastructure development policies
• Economic development policies
• Budget policies

Policy advocates must evaluate the effectiveness of programs throughout their career.
Policy evaluations can be done on the micro, macro and mezzo levels. One of the first
steps to organize research is to select what type of policy one is focused on
constructing, analyzing and evaluating. The type of policy selected for policy making is
dependent on what needs to be accomplished to fulfill the service needs of the target
population. Given the diversity of the field of social work, all eleven types of policies can
be used to enhance the lives of our clients and advance human rights, social, economic
and environmental justice.

Jansson (2019) lists a five-step process to collect, analyze, interpret and present
evidence-based research:

• Select research design
• Select research methodology
• Select sampling technique
• Analyze data
• Interpret and present findings

Research evidence to substantiate and corroborate the evaluation findings can be
obtained from primary or secondary data sources. Primary data is collected by the and
observed firsthand by the researcher. Methods of primary research include (Jansson,
2018):

• Structured and semi structured interviews
• Focus groups
• Surveys
• Questionnaires
• Observations

Secondary data comes from data that is previously collected, compiled, organized and
in some cases analyzed by others. Methods of secondary research includes (Jansson,
2018)

• Public data sets (i.e. CDC and Census Bureau data)
• Government publications
• Journal publications
• Historical records
• Agency records

Comparison Groups

There are several research designs, but the one that is most important to policy
assessing is the quasi-experimental design that uses comparison groups. This design
includes an experimental group that receives the intervention and the control group that
does not get the intervention. Being able to compare these two groups allows the
opportunity for the researcher or evaluator to examine any significant differences in
behavior or outcome for the experimental group.

7. Policy Type

After reviewing the two peer policy PowerPoints, can you tell which one of the
eleven policy types were used?

Was the research evidence used primary or secondary research?

Was there any indication that a quasi-experimental design was used to compare a
control and intervention groups?

Module 7: Implementing Policy Reform
The Module 7 course content focused on policy implementation. Per Jansson (2018)
“policies become effective only as they are implemented” (pg. 460). If the policies are
never enacted, they are never fully analyzed or evaluated, thus providing little to no
evidence of its effectiveness. Consequently, the policy implementation process is critical
to the policy practice and policy advocacy process. All social policies are well
intentioned, but can have internal contradictions and flawed strategies, that may have

not been thoroughly assessed during the policy making process. Conversely, the
contradictions or flaws may have been assessed, but the policy makers believed that
the risk would be worth the risk.

Policy Flaws and Contradictions

A positive and negative prognosis for each policy can make or break the successful
implementation of policy. Jansson (2018) lists eight characteristics of policy innovations:

• Extent to which collaboration is needed
• Extent to which a lengthy sequence of tasks is needed
• Amount of resources needed
• Extent t